Mediaboss Marketing

An Iranian women's rights activist and film producer has lost her permanent residency and refugee status in Canada and now faces deportation and possible imprisonment in Iran.

Anything can happen to me if I go back, said Mahshid Ahangarani Farahani, who opposed the Iranian regime as a student activist before coming to Canada as a refugee in 2005. She won her claim and became a permanent resident in 2008 but, despite living in Canada for 20 years, never became a Canadian citizen.

If you follow the recent news about Iran, we saw pictures of protesters being tortured, girls were poisoned in the school, women get killed, they get raped in the prison, and no one takes responsibility, Mahshid said. No one is there to even answer you.

Get daily news from Canada's National Observer

Mahshids refugee status was revoked last month after the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) found out she had returned to live in Iran, thereby reavailing herself of Irans protection. Mahshid says she had no idea she was endangering her status in Canada by travelling back to Iran.

Before 2012, a refugee found returning to their country of origin would have their refugee status removed but would not lose their permanent residency. After 2012, the Conservative federal government of the time amended the law, and now refugees who return to their country of origin lose all status in Canada and can be deported.

Mahshid was granted refugee status before these changes came into effect and didnt know the law had changed.

Mahshids lawyers have filed for a judicial review in Federal Court, arguing the IRB should have considered her lack of knowledge about the change in the law and her intention in returning to Iran.

Hana Marku and Damey Lee, Mahshids lawyers, told Canadas National Observer Mahshid has travelled back and forth between Iran and Canada over the past decade to help her sister in her legal battles with the Iranian regime. She provided support to her family when her sister was imprisoned in Irans infamous Evin Prison and helped produce films for her familys company, Bamdad Film, and international filmmakers.

The law of cessation in Canada is harsh and punitive, especially for people who continue to face risk in the country of persecution, said Marku.

It does not require decision-makers to consider whether the person is still in danger, she added. We have read many decisions where a refugees status is revoked only because they applied for a passport from the country of persecution and travelled on it.

In Mahshids case, a decision was made to revoke her status with no consideration of the fact there is a warrant out for her arrest in Iran or the dangerous human rights abuses against Iranian women, Marku said.

Mahshid comes from a prominent, politically active family in Iran, according to a statement her lawyers sent to Canadas National Observer. Her mother, Manijeh, is a renowned film director, and her sister, Pegah, is an actress. The three women have used their platforms and films to speak out against the Iranian regime for its treatment of women.

Films produced by Bamdad Film are banned in Iran. Through their work, Mahshid and her family have tried to show the world a true picture of what is happening to women in Iran, the Iranian regimes human rights abuses and its horrible treatment of women.

They have paid for their actions. Pegah was imprisoned by Iranian authorities, their office was raided and filmmaking equipment seized, they faced constant surveillance and interrogation, and Mahshids passport was seized, preventing her from leaving Iran for over a year, Marku said.

Despite her fear, Mahshid felt compelled to return to Iran for the protection of her family and womens rights in the country, said her lawyers.

Women like me, who fought for justice for years, were banned from Iran, and the same thing happened here to me that I have to leave Canada, said Mahshid. After returning from her last trip to Iran in 2019, she said she received a letter from the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) notifying her the removal order had been issued without any prior notice.

I have been in the court for about three years now going back and forth but getting negative responses, said Mahshid.

Despite being interviewed by the CBSA at Torontos Pearson Airport in 2019, no one informed her that she had violated any immigration laws by returning to Iran, she added.

Canadas National Observer reached out to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada for comment but did not receive a response in time for publication.

Mahshid said she is terrified at the prospect of being deported to Iran. I really don't know what will happen to me because me and my family have always been in danger.

There is currently an outstanding arrest warrant for Mahshid in Iran. Her sister and mother fled Iran in 2020 for their own safety, and she has no one to rely on, said Lee, her lawyer.

Mahshid and her family have dedicated their lives to speaking out against the Iranian regime. Their work has strengthened the voices of women in Iran and around the world. It is shameful that Canada pays lip service to supporting human rights in Iran while simultaneously trying to deport a woman who is a target of the regime. If she is deported, she will be silenced, she added.

In recognition of the current humanitarian crisis in Iran, Canada has paused deportations of all Iranians to Iran, but Lee and Marku said this is only a temporary measure, and as soon as the situation stabilizes, Mahshid will be deported.

The situation for women in Iran has been a topic of concern for the Canadian government and international community for many years.

Iran has been gripped by protests since the death of Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old Iranian woman of Kurdish origin who was detained by Irans morality police for failing to fully cover her hair with her hijab.

Hundreds of protesters have been killed, including at least 52 children, according to Human Rights Watch.

In response to Iran's deadly crackdown on protesters last year, the United Nations removed Iran from the UN commission on women, saying: Irans membership at this moment is an ugly stain on the commissions credibility.

Canada imposed new sanctions against the Iranian regime in response to its gross and systematic human rights violations, which include its persecution of women.

This story was produced in partnership with Journalists for Human Rights for the Afghan Journalists-in-Residence program funded by the Meta Journalism Project.

More here:
'Anything can happen': Iranian refugee faces deportation for visiting ... - Canada's National Observer

ANN/THE JAKARTA POST Jakarta and Tehran have concluded the final stage of negotiations on a bilateral trade agreement, the Indonesian Trade Ministry said on Wednesday.

The announcement came after the two sides finished a seventh round of talks, and the ministry said the governments could now proceed to sign the documents on the deal, which is called the IndonesiaIran Preferential Trade Agreement (II-PTA).

The ministry said Indonesia and Iran would sign the trade agreement during a visit of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi to Jakarta between May 22 and 24.

Iran is a non-traditional trade partner for Indonesia. With this PTA, we hope to widen our export opportunities and expand our market reach, said the ministrys director of bilateral negotiations Johni Martha.

Indonesia has been looking to new markets to diversify its export options and thereby reduce its reliance on traditional trade partners, many of which have been affected by a weakened global economy and geopolitical risks.

The government aims to speed up the countrys economic recovery from the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic by increasing its exports.

Countries of the Middle East are among those considered alternative trade partners for the government, along with countries in Africa, South Asia, South America and Eastern Europe.

In July last year, Indonesia inked a comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA) with the United Arab Emirates. The government has been pursuing similar cooperation with other Gulf states, including a CEPA with Saudi Arabia since 2018.

The negotiations between Indonesia and Iran come at a time of heightened geopolitical tensions in many parts of the world. The United States (US) government has imposed sanctions on Iran since 1979, following the seizure of the US embassy in Tehran, which restricted access for US companies to conduct business in Iran.

The Trade Ministry noted that trade between Indonesia and Iran amounted to USD54.1 million during the first three months of this year.

Last year, the bilateral trade value increased by more than 23 per cent to USD257.2 million.

Motorcycles, vehicle parts, fatty acid industrial monocarboxylates and wood fibre are among the main goods shipped from Indonesia to Iran.

Meanwhile, major Iranian shipments to Indonesia include dates and grapes, carbonates and vegetable alkaloids, among many other products.

The ministry said Indonesia and Iran had also concluded negotiations on an article related to countertrade, which allows the two countries to pay for goods and services from the other side in kind rather than settling transactions with money.

This would allow trade between the two to continue despite possible difficulties in securing currency commonly used in international trade, such as US dollars.

Read more here:
Indonesia to sign trade deal with Iran next week - Borneo Bulletin

Justin Wong/Stuff

About 20 people attended the demonstration against Iranian authorities.

Members of the Iranian community held a silent protest in central Wellington on Saturday after the Iranian government executed three men over last years anti-regime protests.

About 20 people turned up to the protest. Two blindfolded protesters stood in silence and another two held up a banner saying women, life, freedom the slogan of the protests ignited after the death of 22-year-old Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini in Tehran, three days after being detained by the countrys morality police for having some hair visible under her hijab (headscarf).

Another protester held up a flag known as the Lion and Sun that was used by Iran before the 1979 Islamic Revolution and then banned by the theocratic regime.

On Friday, Saleh Mirhashemi, Saeed Yaqoubi and Majid Kazemi were executed in the central Iranian city of Isfahan for killing three security force officers last November. Human rights groups had said the three men were tortured and forced to confess on camera.

READ MORE:* Government moving at glacial speed to combat Iran, advocate says * Government sanctions more Iranian officials over support for Russia's war * Foreign policy challenge: How to respond to Iran?

New Zealands foreign minister Nanaia Mahuta had condemned the executions, saying on Twitter on Saturday they were a reprehensible violation of human rights.

Iranian authorities executed four other protesters in relation to the protests and dozens more had been sentenced to death. At least 582 people were executed in Iran last year.

Aida Tavassoli, a spokesperson of the Iranian Solidarity Group in New Zealand, said the authorities had been putting on sham trials for protesters and restrictions imposed last year, such as slowing down internet access, has continued.

The disruption meant Tavassoli couldnt even have a WhatsApp voice call with relatives in Iran.

Theyre using all these mechanisms to intimidate people, to stop people from protesting.

Hawar News Agency/AP

Iranian authorities executed three men in relation to anti-regime protests last year.

It was good that Mahuta had spoken against the executions, she said, but the Government needed to do more to pressure Tehran, such as declaring the regime as gender apartheid and designating the countrys Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organisation.

There is nothing for us to lose here we dont have significant trade, she said.

There is a chance for us to play a role in the international community.

See the article here:
Wellington protesters stand in silence against executions in Iran - Stuff.co.nz

What is included in my trial?

During your trial you will have complete digital access to FT.com with everything in both of our Standard Digital and Premium Digital packages.

Standard Digital includes access to a wealth of global news, analysis and expert opinion. Premium Digital includes access to our premier business column, Lex, as well as 15 curated newsletters covering key business themes with original, in-depth reporting. For a full comparison of Standard and Premium Digital, click here.

Change the plan you will roll onto at any time during your trial by visiting the Settings & Account section.

If you do nothing, you will be auto-enrolled in our premium digital monthly subscription plan and retain complete access for $69 per month.

For cost savings, you can change your plan at any time online in the Settings & Account section. If youd like to retain your premium access and save 20%, you can opt to pay annually at the end of the trial.

You may also opt to downgrade to Standard Digital, a robust journalistic offering that fulfils many users needs. Compare Standard and Premium Digital here.

Any changes made can be done at any time and will become effective at the end of the trial period, allowing you to retain full access for 4 weeks, even if you downgrade or cancel.

You may change or cancel your subscription or trial at any time online. Simply log into Settings & Account and select "Cancel" on the right-hand side.

You can still enjoy your subscription until the end of your current billing period.

We support credit card, debit card and PayPal payments.

See the article here:
The Shell-backed gas project poised to profit Iran - Financial Times

Unconfirmed reports in Irans press suggest the country may take delivery of the first batch of Su-35 Flanker-E fighter jets it ordered from Russia in the coming weeks.

In an article that has since been removed, Irans official Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) reported that the jets, also known as Super Flankers, will soon arrive in Iran. In light of the articles deletion and past rumors that the aircraft began arriving in April, and statements, such as one affirming the jets would begin arriving in March, ultimately proving premature or outright false, one should take this news with a grain of salt.

Still, the arrival of the Super Flankers in the not-too-distant future will undoubtedly mark a milestone for Irans long-neglected air force, officially known as the Islamic Republic of Iran Air Force (IRIAF). The IRIAF hasnt imported any new fighter jets in 33 years. But one has to go back 47 years to find a fighter procurement this significant for Tehran.

In 1976, Iran began receiving the first of 80 F-14A Tomcats it ordered from the United States in a historic deal. Tehran ultimately received 79 of them before the 1979 Islamic Revolution ended close ties between Washington and Tehran.

Despite a U.S. arms embargo and chronically unreliable TF30 engines, F-14As inherited by the IRIAF, and often flown by pilots previously imprisoned and tortured by the new Islamist regime, fought throughout Irans lengthy eight-year war with Saddam Husseins Iraq, downing many enemy jets.

Outfitted with the powerful AWG-9 radar and armed with the long-range AIM-54 Phoenix air-to-air missile, which could hit targets up to 100 miles away, the Tomcat was a formidable opponent and a true air superiority fighter.

While the fourth-generation fighter, truly cutting-edge for its day, served Iran well, time has ultimately taken its toll. Irans rivals have acquired more advanced and modern jets in the intervening decades.

Iran bought a fleet of MiG-29A Fulcrum fighters from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, its F-14s out-flew the much newer Fulcrums, which was one reason the IRIAF did not buy large numbers of those Soviet jets.

The following year, Iraqi Air Force jets, including French-built Mirage F1s, flew to Iran to evade destruction by the juggernaut of the U.S.-led multinational coalition in the Persian Gulf War. Tehran confiscated them, putting most into service with the IRIAF. Iraqi Su-25 Frogfoot attack planes served in Irans Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) air arm and were later returned to Iraq in 2014 to help Baghdad combat the Islamic State group.

Iran previously contemplated buying the Su-30 Flanker from Russia. There have also been intermittent rumors since at least 2016 that Tehran wanted to co-produce that fighter aircraft.

Following Russias fateful February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Moscow and Tehran expanded their defense relationship to an unprecedented level. The latter supplied the former with hundreds of the single-use drones infamously used against Ukrainian cities. In return, Russia will provide Iran with at least two dozen Su-35s, most likely the ones initially built for export to Egypt in recent years in a deal Cairo is widely believed to have canceled.

Its unclear if Tehran will seek to import additional fighters or some co-production arrangement to assemble more in Iran. The Su-30 co-production rumor appeared again in early May, this time in Turkish media.

Su-35s in Russian service have proven lethal adversaries for their Ukrainian opponents. A well-known Ukrainian MiG-29 pilot recently told BBC that their biggest enemy is Russian Su-35 fighter jets.

While those super-maneuverable Russian jets are far more advanced than fighters in Ukraines current air force, which relies on early models of the Fulcrum and Flanker built in the 1980s, they are still limited in many ways. For example, the Su-35 is the only 4.5-generation aircraft that lacks an electronically scanned array radar (AESA) radar. That, along with many other potentially severe shortcomings, most likely means that the Su-35 will not enable Tehran to establish air superiority over the Persian Gulf, especially if it receives only 24. They will, on the other hand, bolster the IRIAFs aged fighter fleet and enhance Irans national air defense.

Whether they arrive in the coming weeks, months, or even in the next couple of years, the Su-35s will most likely become the most advanced fighter aircraft Iran has imported in the past half a century, something that, in and of itself, certainly is not insignificant.

I am a journalist/columnist who writes about Middle East military and political affairs.

See the original post here:
Tomcats To Super Flankers: Iran Might Soon Receive Its Most Advanced Fighter In Almost 50 Years - Forbes