Archive for the ‘Immigration Reform’ Category

Consulate General of Saint Lucia in New York to Host Annual Immigration Forum – St. Lucia News From The Voice – The Voice St. Lucia

On Thursday, April 28, 2022, the Consulate General of Saint Lucia in New York willconveneits annual Immigration Forum. This event, which is open to the general public,willbeginat 7:00 PM, andwillbe held at the Saint Lucia House, 438 East 49th Street (between Church and Snyder Avenues) in Brooklyn.

The forum will provide accurate and timely information for Saint Lucian nationals navigating the often bewilderingUnited Statesimmigration process,enabling them to make rational decisions on behalf of themselves or their loved ones. It will also feature an open panel discussion on a host of relevant topics, including:

1. US immigration reform policies

2. Citizenship/Permanent residency

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3. Implications and legal consequences of overstaying on a temporary US visa

4. Resources available to immigrants

5. Immigration fraud prevention

Formal presentations by New York City-based immigration lawyers, experts in the field, representatives from non-governmental organizations, community stakeholders, and various partnering agencies, will also be featured.

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The Consulate encourages Saint Lucians and all interested parties residing in the New York City area to attend this important meeting, to benefit from the wealth of information to be provided.

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Consulate General of Saint Lucia in New York to Host Annual Immigration Forum - St. Lucia News From The Voice - The Voice St. Lucia

Ruben Navarrette: The legacy of Reagan still looms large. It’s the Republican Party that got smaller. – West Central Tribune

SAN DIEGO In 2022, the Republican Party could really use a pep talk from the Gipper.

How the GOP of today cries out for the spirit of Ronald Reagan. He got right so many things that the Republicans of today are getting wrong.

For instance, I don't suppose Reagan, an ardent foe of the Soviet Union who demanded that Mikhail Gorbachev "tear down this wall" in Berlin, would look kindly on how former president Donald Trump fawns over Russian President Vladimir Putin. In the early days of the invasion of Ukraine, Trump dubbed Putin a "genius." Yes, because nothing moves your Mensa application to the top of the pile like overestimating the competence of your forces and underestimating the resistance of the opposition.

Nor would Reagan be proud of how some Republicans have of late done the bidding of organized labor by twisting an "America First" agenda into a familiar form of tariff-driven protectionism that says U.S. industries should be excused from having to compete with global competitors. For Republicans, the first hint that they made a colossal mistake by falling in line behind Trump's restrictive trade policies should have been when the Biden administration decided to keep those policies in place.

Tribune graphic

And, of course, "Dutch" who signed into law the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, which granted legal status to nearly 2.7 million undocumented people would surely be disgusted by the way in which many Republicans now approach immigration. Whereas Reagan believed in welcoming the stranger and often spoke about how immigrants benefit America, the Republicans of today opportunistically grab hold of the issue with a toxic combination of dishonesty, cynicism, racism and fear.

Not that Democrats are much better. They lie to constituents and rail against the same restrictionist immigration policies that they later adopt as their own. They cater to organized labor, much of which wants to keep out foreign workers who could turn into competitors. They rack up record numbers of deportations, put refugee kids in cages, and embrace light-skinned Ukraine refugees while rounding up dark-skinned Haitians using Border Patrol agents on horseback. Then, instead of just admitting their sins, anti-immigrant Democrats point fingers at Republicans for being the preferred party of nativists.

I'm not sure. Has anyone polled nativists? I imagine they would be fine with the parts of President Joe Biden's immigration agenda that were borrowed from Trump.

However, one recent development that is causing angst among Republicans, and other Americans, is the Biden administration's decision to "86" Title 42. The controversial public health statute which has allowed Customs and Border Protection agents to turn away, since March 2020, as many as 1.7 million migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border without letting them apply for asylum is set to end on May 23.

All this turning away was done under the pretense of helping prevent the spread of COVID-19 into the United States, but where both the Trump and Biden administration really found Title 42 useful was as a convenient device to keep out immigrants and refugees.

In fact, the statute is so convenient that, in the Senate, a bipartisan group of lawmakers recently introduced a bill that would keep Title 42 in place - presumably forever or at least until senators no longer have to run for reelection, whichever comes first.

Meanwhile, in the four U.S. states that border Mexico, Republicans are panic-stricken. They warn that the nation's southern border is about to be overrun by the underprivileged, the unwashed, the unwanted.

You know, the same kinds of folks who built this country in the first place.

Leave it to politicians in both parties to take something intended to be temporary, and try to make it permanent to serve their short-term political interests.

Title 42 was supposed to be a temporary behavior modification to protect public health. You know, like masking. But while many Republicans couldn't wait to rip off their masks and protest against efforts by bureaucrats and local governing bodies to make masking permanent, they are in no similar hurry to surrender Title 42.

But surrender, we must. With nary a peep from Congress, the Biden administration has already lifted the policy with regard to Ukrainians who wish to apply for refugee status. It can't justify not doing the same for desperate people from other dark corners of the world.

America is strong enough and good enough to handle whatever comes her way. Just like she always has.

At least, I bet that's how Reagan would see it.

Ruben Navarrette can be reached at ruben@wctrib.com.

2022, The Washington Post Writers Group

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Ruben Navarrette: The legacy of Reagan still looms large. It's the Republican Party that got smaller. - West Central Tribune

The Healthcare Workforce Resilience Act: A Legislative Vaccine Against COVID-19? – Immigration – United States – Mondaq

TheHealthcare Workforce Resilience Act(HWRA)is a bipartisan bill sponsored by Sens.Chris Coons (D-DE), Dick Durbin (D-IL), Todd Young (R-IN) andformer Sen. David Perdue (R-GA).

In March 2021, Sen. Durbin formally introduced the bill into theSenate to strengthen the country's healthcare workforce byrecapturing unused visas and assigning them to foreign nationalphysicians, nurses and other healthcare professionals.

The intent of HWRA is to bring more qualified immigrant doctorsand nurses into the U.S. to address healthcare employment issuescaused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It may also help alleviate thecountry's shortage of healthcare workers.

Even though the senators unveiled HWRA at the start of theCOVID-19 pandemic to prompt immigration reform and supporthealthcare workers, it also addresses an issue that started beforethe pandemic.

Prior to 2020, the U.S. healthcare system already had a shortageof workers. Research from theNew American Economy (NAE)showsthat in 2018, before the pandemic struck, approximately 27healthcare practitioner jobs were available for each unemployedhealthcare practitioner.

Nursing is experiencing a labor shortage, which led to itscategorization as a"Schedule A"occupationby the Department of Labor (DOL). DOLclassifies occupations as "Schedule A" if there are notenough qualified workers in the U.S. for a specific job.

In the healthcare sector, the COVID-19 pandemic has shown thatthere is an urgent need for more qualified healthcare workers.

As a result of the healthcare worker shortage, hospitals haverepeatedly exceeded their capacity throughout the pandemic. In someinstances, healthcare workers have worked shifts up to 24 hours,theNiskanen Center reports.

To compensate for the shortage, nurses have been called out ofretirement to work, and school nurses have been called to hospitalsto assist. More so, the Association of American Medical Colleges(AAMC) reports thatpandemic and nationwide nursing shortage have ledto increased burnoutamong staff.

One major issue in the U.S. immigration system that HWRA wouldaddress is unused visas. In total, the HWRA wouldallow U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services torecaptureabout 40,000 visas for healthcareprofessionals, including 25,000 visas for nurses and 15,000 visasfor physicians. If signed into law, the legislation would also helpalleviate the shortage of healthcare workers in the country.

Unused visas are a widespread concern in the U.S. immigrationsystem. Unissued visas in the healthcare industry have beenparticularly problematic during the pandemic as the countrygrappled with a shortage of healthcare workers. Despite thewillingness of foreign healthcare workers to come over to the U.S.to improve the situation, help has beenslow to arrive, according to theNiskanen Center.

Thousands of nurses from other countries have been hoping to getinto the U.S. throughout the pandemic. However, because they arenot typically eligible for temporary work visas, they must waituntil immigrant visas are available. Many foreign nationals aresubject to limitations, such as country caps and backlogs.

Several times in the past, Congress has managed to recaptureunused visas. In 2000, Congress passed the American Competitivenessin the 21st Century Act. In 2005, it passed the EmergencySupplemental Appropriations bill. Collectively, thetwopieces of legislationrecapturedalmost 200,000 visas.

Even so, the Niskanen Centerreportsthat over 505,000employment visas went unused between 1992 and 2009. Over 175,000visas were unused and never recaptured between 2005 and 2009. Byrecapturing unused visas again, Congress could significantlyenhance the nation's healthcare workforce by allowing qualifiedworkers into the country.

HWRAproposes recapturing visasfroma pool of previously unused employment-based visas Congress hasalready authorized. The visas would be issued by their prioritydate, and they would also be eligible for premium processing.

Ultimately, the bill may help to alleviate the shortage ofhealthcare workers in the U.S. Although it is designed to providerelief for an overtaxed healthcare system, HWRA would also remedyan employment situation that would likely persist into the futurewithout legislative intervention.

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed a severe shortage ofhealthcare workers, and it has strained healthcare systems acrossthe country. Luckily, there is renewed bipartisan support for abill to repair the country's healthcare system.

The HWRA isawaiting further action in theSenate, and it hasgained support from moreorganizationssince its introduction, includingthe American Health Care Association/National Center For AssistedLiving.

Originally published 20 April, 2022

The content of this article is intended to provide a generalguide to the subject matter. Specialist advice should be soughtabout your specific circumstances.

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The Healthcare Workforce Resilience Act: A Legislative Vaccine Against COVID-19? - Immigration - United States - Mondaq

How Congress Killed Immigration ReformDocumented – Documented NY

Last year, after months of in-fighting among Democrats, opposition from Republicans, and technical obstacles, President Joe Bidens Build Back Better Act died in Congress. The $1.9 trillion spending bill contained a few immigration provisions watered down from Bidens original immigration reform proposal known as the U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021.

As the name suggests, the U.S. Citizenship Act would have established pathways to citizenship for the countrys 11 million undocumented residents, including those with special status designations such as DREAMers those brought here unlawfully as children and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) holders. But lawmakers opted to try passing smaller bills, including severely watered down measures where citizenship provisions were left out altogether. Some trimmed-down bills are still floating around Congress a year later, highlighting the possibility of citizenship for millions of undocumented residents who live and work here remains out of reach.

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The U.S. Citizenship Act proposed sweeping immigration reforms, such as expanding legal work access for immigrants and dependents potentially affecting 13.6 million green card holders in the U.S. as well as providing a pathway to citizenship for millions of undocumented residents. According to the Center for American Progress, the U.S.s undocumented workforce alone contributes an estimated $79.7 billion in federal taxes, in addition to $41 billion in state and local taxes.

But the U.S. Citizenship Act was ultimately abandoned by lawmakers in favor of smaller separate bills, given the unlikelihood that such sweeping reforms would gain enough support from Republicans and conservative Democrats to pass the Senate. Some smaller measures have stalled in Congress while others have perished as part of the broader Build Back Better bill.

The U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021, as it was officially known, featured a bevy of immigration reform measures that can largely be divided into three components: providing work-related reforms for both immigrants with legal statuses and undocumented immigrants; modernizing border security measures; and addressing root causes of migration to the U.S. from the south. The legislation was introduced into Congress in February last year through bicameral bills sponsored by Sen. Bob Menendez, a Democrat from New Jersey, and Democratic Congresswoman Linda Snchez of California.

But as Democrats sought to trim down these provisions into piecemeal policies to gain bipartisan support, the smaller bills proposed have largely focused on work-related reforms for immigrants and pathways to citizenship for those who are undocumented, avoiding border security components that may be more appealing to centrists and Republicans especially ahead of midterm elections.

Last year, after months of in-fighting among Democrats, opposition from Republicans, and technical obstacles, President Joe Bidens Build Back Better Act died in Congress. The $1.9 trillion spending bill contained a few immigration provisions watered down from Bidens original immigration reform proposal known as the U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021.

Also Read: Green Card Holders Are Able to Vote in NYC Elections

As the name suggests, the U.S. Citizenship Act would have established pathways to citizenship for the countrys 11 million undocumented residents, including those with special status designations such as DREAMers those brought here unlawfully as children and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) holders. But lawmakers opted to try passing smaller bills, including severely watered down measures where citizenship provisions were left out altogether. Some trimmed-down bills are still floating around Congress a year later, highlighting the possibility of citizenship for millions of undocumented residents who live and work here remains out of reach.

The U.S. Citizenship Act proposed sweeping immigration reforms, such as expanding legal work access for immigrants and dependents potentially affecting 13.6 million green card holders in the U.S. as well as providing a pathway to citizenship for millions of undocumented residents. According to the Center for American Progress, the U.S.s undocumented workforce alone contributes an estimated $79.7 billion in federal taxes, in addition to $41 billion in state and local taxes.

But the U.S. Citizenship Act was ultimately abandoned by lawmakers in favor of smaller separate bills, given the unlikelihood that such sweeping reforms would gain enough support from Republicans and conservative Democrats to pass the Senate. Some smaller measures have stalled in Congress while others have perished as part of the broader Build Back Better bill.

Within this component of the U.S. Citizenship Act, the bills most notable measures aimed to provide a clear pathway to citizenship for different groups of undocumented immigrants. It established an eight-year path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants who pass background checks and paid taxes, without having to fear being deported. The citizenship measure also extended to Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients, TPS holders, and farmworkers, providing these groups with an expedited three-year path to citizenship.

This component of the bill also targeted reforms for immigrants with legal status. In addition to reducing the residence requirement for naturalization from five years to three years for all lawful permanent residents, the bill would cut down the severe visa backlog for green card holders and their families by recapturing unused visas from previous years to be allocated to family members of green card holders, with the goal of keeping families together. It also allows for approved family members to join their families in the U.S. temporarily while waiting for green card approval.

Beyond that, the bill would expand access to green cards for low-wage immigrant workers and give work authorization to dependents of H-1B visa holders, among other work-related reforms.

This component of the U.S. Citizenship Act was meant to draw away from ineffective and costly measures like constructing a physical border wall along the U.S.s southern border.

The bills border security measures would push the adoption of technology-based techniques instead, prioritizing the use of tech tools to detect illicit drug trafficking through ports of entry. The bill would also authorize funding to upgrade the infrastructure of immigration processing facilities at entry ports to improve officials ability to process asylum seekers.

Notably, this component of the bill includes the No Ban Act, which would prohibit discriminatory bans similar to former President Donald Trumps previous Muslim travel bans by raising the standards for such action to be used.

The third component of the U.S. Citizenship Act was aimed at reducing the flow of migration from the south by addressing the deep-rooted factors driving migration to the U.S., such as violence and poverty. Since taking office, Biden has sought to build partnerships with countries in Central Americas Northern Triangle comprised of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador to tackle these root issues, an endeavor that has been primarily overseen by Vice President Kamala Harris.

Among the measures within this component was the creation of safe legal channels for people to seek asylum protections while based in Central America, a means to deter individuals from trekking to the U.S.s southern border, a perilous journey that kills hundreds of people each year.

This component of the bill would also establish new programs and upgrade existing ones to prevent migrant children from being separated from their families for prolonged periods of time as had happened under the countrys previous zero tolerance policy. Namely, the bill would create a new Central American Family Reunification Parole Program, which would grant parole to certain citizens of Central American countries to enter the U.S., and revamp the existing Central American Minors Program, which allows at-risk children to come to the U.S. as refugees.

This component of the U.S. Citizenship Act was meant to draw away from ineffective and costly measures like constructing a physical border wall along the U.S.s southern border.

The bills border security measures would push the adoption of technology-based techniques instead, prioritizing the use of tech tools to detect illicit drug trafficking through ports of entry. The bill would also authorize funding to upgrade the infrastructure of immigration processing facilities at entry ports to improve officials ability to process asylum seekers.

Notably, this component of the bill includes the No Ban Act, which would prohibit discriminatory bans similar to former President Donald Trumps previous Muslim travel bans by raising the standards for such action to be used.

The third component of the U.S. Citizenship Act was aimed at reducing the flow of migration from the south by addressing the deep-rooted factors driving migration to the U.S., such as violence and poverty. Since taking office, Biden has sought to build partnerships with countries in Central Americas Northern Triangle comprised of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador to tackle these root issues, an endeavor that has been primarily overseen by Vice President Kamala Harris.

Among the measures within this component was the creation of safe legal channels for people to seek asylum protections while based in Central America, a means to deter individuals from trekking to the U.S.s southern border, a perilous journey that kills hundreds of people each year.

This component of the bill would also establish new programs and upgrade existing ones to prevent migrant children from being separated from their families for prolonged periods of time as had happened under the countrys previous zero tolerance policy. Namely, the bill would create a new Central American Family Reunification Parole Program, which would grant parole to certain citizens of Central American countries to enter the U.S., and revamp the existing Central American Minors Program, which allows at-risk children to come to the U.S. as refugees.

It was unlikely that the U.S. Citizenship Acts sweeping immigration legalization would gain enough bipartisan support to pass into law, given Democrats thin majority in the Senate. Lawmakers decided to move forward with piecemeal immigration legislation instead.

In March 2021, the House voted to pass two separate immigration bills: the American Dream and Promise Act and the Farm Workforce Modernization Act. The American Dream and Promise Act offers a conditional 10-year pathway to citizenship for roughly 3.6 million DREAMers. It also grants a shorter pathway to citizenship for the roughly 400,000 TPS recipients living in the U.S., who would be eligible for green cards if they met specific requirements, and would eventually be allowed to apply for citizenship. Meanwhile, the Farm Workforce Modernization Act makes reforms to the H-2A temporary worker program for noncitizen agricultural workers, including the creation of an entirely new status for farmworkers with protections from deportation. The bill would impact 2.4 million farmworkers in the U.S., the majority of whom are immigrants.

In May 2021, House and Senate lawmakers introduced bicameral bills for another separate citizenship bill, the Citizenship for Essential Workers Act. The legislation provides a citizenship pathway specifically for undocumented essential workers, estimated to be more than 5 million undocumented workers in the U.S.

All three pieces of immigration legislation have stalled in Congress due to a lack of bipartisan support, despite various polls showing broad public approval toward providing a pathway to citizenship for certain undocumented immigrant groups.

By summer 2021, Senate Democrats began pushing watered-down immigration provisions as part of Bidens comprehensive Build Back Better Act. A version of the bill that passed through the House later in November carried five trimmed-down immigration provisionsnone of which offered a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants.

Democrats opted to pass the Build Back Better Act through Congress budget reconciliation process so they could bypass the filibuster, which requires 60 votes for any legislation to pass the Senate. Through reconciliation, the bill would only need a simple majority vote to passgiven Democrats slim majority, Vice President Harris, who presides over the Senate, could be the deciding vote to pass the legislation. However, not every legislative item meets the criteria for budget reconciliation. Thats where the parliamentarian comes in to advise the Senate on which items are allowed in the reconciliation bill.

Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough rejected multiple variations of immigration measures that Democrats tried to include in the budget plans. The final proposal rejected in December included immigration provisions that would expand the Department of Homeland Securitys authority to grant temporary work authorization for certain undocumented immigrants through immigration parole, allowing undocumented persons living in the U.S. five years of work authorization with an option to extend another five years thereafter. According to an analysis of the provision in the House bill by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), the measure would have directly benefited 7 million undocumented immigrants.

The nature of MacDonoughs rulings was nonbinding, but Democrats resisted bypassing the parliamentarians advice for fear of setting a precedent that could be used by Republicans when they are in control of the legislature.As such, the Build Back Better Act including the limited immigration measures within it was not passed by Congress. But there is still hope for some immigration measures to get passed this year. The House and the Senate have approved their own versions of the United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021 meant to boost the U.S.s ability to compete economically against its global rival China. Something to watch in the upcoming months will be lawmakers reconciliation of the separately approved bills, which could include reforms related to so-called highly-skilled immigrants working in the STEM fields.

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Senators say theyre interested in bipartisan immigration plan; here are some suggestions – The Hill

Sens. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) andDick Durbin(D-Ill.) plan to bring together a group of senators interested in trying to revive immigration discussions after the April recess.They want to sit at a table and ask members who have immigration, bipartisan immigration bills, to come and propose those bills to us and see if we can build a 60-vote plus margin for a group of bills.

Are they serious about immigration reform, or are they just doing this so they will be able to say in the upcoming midterm elections that they sponsored a number of immigration reform bills?

It wont take much effort to repackage bills that have already been introduced.

In any case, they seem at least to be open to a variety of approaches to immigration reform, so I will take this opportunity to offer them a few suggestions.

Registry The Democrats tried to include a registry provision update in a reconciliation bill in September 2021, but the Senate parliamentarian made them remove it. That was unfortunate. The registry provision has not been updated since 1986.

The registry provision grants lawful permanent resident status to certain undocumented immigrants who have resided continuously in the United States since before Jan. 1, 1972. This means that registry currently is available only to undocumented immigrants who have lived here continuously for half a century, which greatly reduces the value of the provision.

The Democrats went too far in the other direction with the update they put in the reconciliation bill. It would have changed this date to Jan. 1, 2011, which would make legalization available to approximately 6.7 million undocumented immigrants.

At some point, an undocumented immigrant has been here so long that it would be unconscionable to make him leave. Its just a matter of reaching an agreement on when that point has been reached.

I encourage the senators to include the registry provision in their bipartisan discussion to see if there is a date that would be acceptable to both parties.

DACA Some Republicans are sympathetic towards the plight of DACA participants. Even former President Trumpwanted to help them. He proposed a DACA legalization program that would be a good place to start; that proposal was afour-point framework that only had one provision that was a deal-killer. He wanted to end the practice that opponents refer to as chain migration, the process by which legal U.S. residents may sponsor a family member for immigration to the United States.

I have proposed acompromisethat would provide DACA participants with lawful status through the Special Immigrant Juvenile (SIJ) Program, which would also prevent the participant from conferring immigration benefits on his parents when he becomes a lawful permanent resident.

But circumstances have changed since then. A border security crisis has occurred under Bidens presidency. The Border Patrol apprehended nearly a million illegal crossers along the southern border during the first six months of fiscal 2022, and DHS is expecting up to 18,000 illegal crossings per day when the Title 42 order is lifted.

The Democrats may have to stop this flood of illegal crossers if they want Republican votes for a legalization program of any kind.

Unfair labor practices Most immigrants who enter the United States unlawfully come here to find employment. The shorthand description of this situation is that they are drawn here by the job magnet.

It is easy for unscrupulous employers to exploit them because they can be reported to ICE if they complain about the way they are treated.

The employer sanctions in INA section 1324a prohibit employers from hiring immigrants they know are not authorized to work. An employer who violates this provision is subject to fines of up to $10,000 for each undocumented employee. But this hasnt eliminated the job magnet.

The senators could augment employment sanctions with a bill establishing a Labor Department task force to mount a large-scale, nationwide campaign to stop the exploitation of employees in industries known to hire large numbers of undocumented immigrants. This would take immigration status out of the picture. The enforcement actions wouldnt be based on the immigration status of the exploited employees.

Expanded CAM program According to Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, DHS has a plan for managing any potential increase in illegal border crossings when the Title 42 order is terminated.

The plan relies primarily on a newimmigration processthat will permit USCIS asylum officers to adjudicate the asylum claims of illegal crossers who establish a well-founded fear of persecution. This currently is done by immigration judges. If an asylum officers denies a claim, however, the applicant will be able to submit it again to an immigration judge.

USCIS is already struggling with a backlog of more than9.5 million benefit applications, and this includes about435,000 affirmative asylum applications. Asylum applications are considered affirmative when they are filed directly with USCIS and defensive if they are filed in removal proceedings before an immigration judge.

The other part of the plan is adedicated docketfor families who are apprehended after making illegal border crossings. This has been tried before by two previous administrations withmuch smaller immigration court backlogs, and it failed both times.

Human Rights Firstclaimsthat the dedicated dockets in previous administrations led tohigh ratesofin absentiaremovals, mistaken decisions that needed to be corrected on appeal, andincreased backlogs. AndGracie Willis, a staff attorney at the Southern Poverty Law Center,thinksit is unfair to the individuals who have been waiting for their day in court for years to establish a rocket docket for families who have just crossed the border.

The senators could provide a better option with a bill to establish an expanded version of the Central American Minors (CAM) Refugee and Parole Program. The CAM program provides locations outside of the United States for screening the persecution claims of certain Central American children who have parents in the United States.

If the CAM program is expanded to include anyone with a persecution claim, asylum seekers would not have to make the dangerous journey to the United States to seek relief and there would be fewer illegal crossings at our border.

Nolan Rappaport was detailed to the House Judiciary Committee as an Executive Branch Immigration Law Expert for three years. He subsequently served as an immigration counsel for the Subcommittee on Immigration, Border Security and Claims for four years. Prior to working on the Judiciary Committee, he wrote decisions for the Board of Immigration Appeals for 20 years. Follow him at https://nolanrappaport.blogspot.com

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Senators say theyre interested in bipartisan immigration plan; here are some suggestions - The Hill