March 6, 2014 Labor Shortage/Immigration Reform Webinar-Replay
March 6, 2014 Labor Shortage/Immigration Reform Webinar-Replay.
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March 6, 2014 Labor Shortage/Immigration Reform Webinar-Replay - Video
Ann Coulter Speech on Immigration Reform CPAC 2014
By: John Sutton
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KFT Summit
March 11-13, 2014 - Nearly 100 immigrant activists and leaders, representing immigration reform groups in more than 20 states, came to Washington, DC, to tra...
By: KFTStories
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Colorado Republican Congressman Cory Gardner, right, waves to supporters at an event to officially announce his candidacy for the U.S. Senate.(Photo: Chris Schneider, AP)
WASHINGTON Immigration reform could play a key role this year in about a half-dozen Senate races from Colorado to South Carolina.
The outcome of those races will help decide which party controls the Senate and whether that chamber will be willing to take up an immigration policy overhaul again if the House fails to pass it in this session of Congress.
Democrats now have 53 seats in the Senate and the support of two independents who nearly always vote with them. Republicans hold 45 seats.
The Senate last year passed a sweeping, bipartisan bill that included provisions to beef up security at the southwest border while also offering a pathway to citizenship for many of the nation's 12 million undocumented immigrants.
If the House doesn't act before the current two-year session of Congress ends in January, the Senate immigration bill will expire and efforts to enact reform will have to begin again.
Two of the Republicans who voted for the comprehensive bill last summer Sens. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Lamar Alexander of Tennessee are facing primary challenges from Tea Party candidates who have denounced the senators' support. Graham may be a bigger target because he was one of the bipartisan "Gang of Eight" senators who helped craft the Senate bill.
In Georgia, where the retirement of Republican Sen. Saxby Chambliss has left an open seat, GOP candidates are battling each other over who is the biggest opponent of the Senate bill. The three House members running in the primary are all on record as favoring the deportation of "dreamers" young immigrants brought to the United States as children.
At the same time, Democratic Sens. Mark Udall of Colorado, Mark Pryor of Arkansas and Mary Landrieu of Louisiana are facing strong competition from Republicans who oppose a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. All of the Senate Democrats voted for the bill last summer.
The Colorado race that pits Udall against Republican Rep. Cory Gardner could be the biggest test of all for the power of immigration reform to sway voters, said Jennifer Duffy, who analyzes Senate races as senior editor for the non-partisan Cook Political Report.
Original post:
It remains to be seen whether the United States Congress can muster the responsibility and will to do what is right and achieve comprehensive immigration reform this year. Republican leadership in the House of Representatives continues to hold immigration reform hostage, most recently justifying inaction by blaming President Obama's alleged track record on failing to enforce our immigration laws. Perhaps those in Congress should come and sit inside the many immigration courtrooms throughout the country for a fact check on this unfounded assertion.
In my 31 years as a United States immigration judge, I have never had as many people come through my courtroom as I have over the past six years. The detained number of individuals appearing in immigration courts today is unprecedented. The administration has indisputably increased immigration enforcement in communities across the country, partnering with local law enforcement to pursue an aggressive deportation program that has resulted in nearly 2 million deportations since 2008.
As these men and women came through my courtroom in Baltimore, I was extremely limited in my ability to consider each case and make a determination as to whether they should remain in the country or be deported. Coming to the best decision for each individual in a very limited amount of time can hardly be seen as justice. And for non-citizens who have been living in this country for years or even a lifetime, the system can even be crueler.
Consider the case of Lundy Khoy, who came to the United States at the age of one with her parents, fleeing genocide in Cambodia. Upon arrival, they were granted refugee status and then legal permanent residence. Lundy grew up as many American children do, going to school, playing sports and preparing for college. While a college student in 2000, Lundy was arrested for possession of several pills of ecstasy and, at her lawyer's advice, pled guilty and spent three months in jail. She was released early for good behavior, moved back in with her parents, resumed her studies and worked hard to make up for the time lost. At the end of her four-year probation period she met with her probation officers to proudly show off her grades only to be met by immigration officials who, to her surprise, sent her to a county jail where she was held for nine months.
After being released, she again worked to put her life on track, but in 2012, she was told that her single 12-year-old drug conviction constituted an aggravated felony offense under today's immigration laws and put her in line for mandatory detention and deportation. In such cases, judges are not allowed to consider a person's individual circumstances. Our hands are tied and we are forced to order automatic deportation. We aren't allowed to consider the fact that Lundy has no family in Cambodia, is a successful college student, works at a university as a guidance counselor and volunteers in her community. As judges, we are not allowed to consider her rehabilitation or grant her a second chance.
Congress stripped immigration judges of much of their discretionary authority under the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act. Under this law, we are no longer allowed to grant most forms of relief for those with an aggravated felony conviction on their record, no matter how minor or old the offense. The term aggravated felony may sound like a big deal, but in fact the category is a term of art that includes a long list of minor and non-violent offenses that are not felonies under the law.
Today's immigration laws are enforced so consistently that our immigration courts face crushing caseloads and chronically insufficient resources. The current backlog of 360,000-plus cases means an average wait of 573 days before a case is resolved, and the majority of people coming into immigration courts do so without lawyers, despite the high stakes and incomprehensible nature of our immigration law.
There's no question about it the United States needs immigration reform and needs it now. Reform must enhance the courts' resources and allow immigration judges to consider the individual circumstances unique to each case, and it must include fairness and opportunity for those who seek to become a part of the American dream. Our leaders, to be true leaders, cannot continue to delay, putting partisan politics above the needs of our country.
John F. Gossart Jr. is a retired judge at the U.S. Immigration Court in Baltimore and an adjunct professor at the University of Baltimore School of Law. His email is jgossart@ubalt.edu.
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