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Jul. 1, 2015

United Nations refugee agency reports that record 137,000 people have crossed Mediterranean Sea in search of better life in Europe so far in 2015; figure represents an 83 percent increase from 2014, and highlights growing refugee crisis. MORE

Op-Ed article by policy expert Nils Muiznieks argues that Europe's ambivalent and even cruel response to refugee crisis represents unacceptable backsliding on shared values of human rights that have marked Continent's progress since World War II; calls for more humane laws concerning migrants, stronger search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean and several other measures. MORE

European leaders end two-day summit meeting in Brussels about Continent's migration crisis with pledge to spread 40,000 refugees across nations, though plan lacks any details; meeting exposed angry passions and deep divisions among countries, made more fraught by failure of Greek debt negotiations. MORE

Violent anti-immigration protests in Slovakia and gains by right-wing Danish People's Party in Denmark's elections contribute to sense of fragmentation across European Union as it struggles to keep Greece from default and hold its currency together. MORE

Indonesian smuggler says Australian authorities stopped his boat at sea and paid him over $30,000 to return 65 migrants he was carrying to Indonesia; story, if confirmed, points to tightening of Australia's immigration policy under Prime Min Tony Abbott and potential violation of Austrailan, Indonesian and international laws governing smuggling, bribery and treatment of asylum seekers. MORE

Supreme Court votes, 5-4, to uphold denial of visa for American Fauzia Din's Afghan husband Kanishka Berashk, who was barred from entry into United States because of his past connections to Taliban. MORE

Editorial examines incidents at Walt Disney World and elsewhere that highlight deep problems with the H-1B visa program, saying it allows companies to recruit skilled foreign workers, through outsourcing programs, for pittance at expense of their American counterparts; observes that loopholes allow companies to subvert program created to help companies fill skill gaps when domestic candidates are unavailable; calls on lawmakers to amend program as part of larger immigration reform bill. MORE

United Nations officials say some of 65 Asian migrants who arrived in Indonesia after being intercepted by Australian authorities tell refugee workers that Australians paid smugglers to take them to Indonesia; report has raised questions about hard-line immigration policies that helped Australian Prime Min Tony Abbot win election in 2013. MORE

Politicians in Italy's north say they will not shelter any more migrants rescued in Mediterranean Sea; announcement comes as rescuers pluck 6,000 more migrants from waters. MORE

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Immigration - Times Topics - The New York Times

Time and again, the Obama administration has stepped forward with a new initiative on immigration. Time and again, those efforts have encountered difficulty, and time and again the White House has thrown up its hands, said it has done all it can, and tried to move on. And each time, immigration advocates have reacted furiously, successfully pressuring the administration to take back up the banner.

That recurring pattern has led to major shifts in immigration policy over the last three years. When the DREAM Act died in Congress, President Obama instituted a policyDeferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACAthat achieved many of the same goals. When immigration reform foundered in Congress, Obama unveiled an executive action that expanded DACA. (Actually, he promised to do so before the 2014 midterm elections, then flinched, then issued the rule after the election.)

Once again, Obamas initiatives have hit a rough stretch, though. First, in February, federal district Judge Andrew Hanen ruled against the program in a suit brought by Republican officials in 26 states. In addition, he put an injunction against it, meaning the administration couldnt move forward with it while the challenge was ongoing. The administration appealed Hanens decision to the Fifth Circuit, and it separately made an emergency request to the circuit to remove the injunction. On Tuesday, a panel of judges refused to stay the injunction, and on Wednesday the administration quietly said it wouldnt appeal that decision to the Supreme Court.

A Lonely Life for Immigrants in America's Rust Belt

But something strange has happened: Rather than erupt in anger at the White Houses concession, advocates have mostly lined up behind it. Why is this time different?

Part of it is legal strategy. Part of it is politics. But perhaps the largest part of it is a simple matter of trust: For the first time in a long time, the relationship between the White House and immigration advocates seems to be going well.

Obviously, our experience has been like pounding our heads against the wall for the first six years. Increasingly, advocates were seen as opponents rather than folks they could partner with, said Frank Sharry, the executive director of pro-reform group Americas Voice. But now, Sharry said of Obama, Hes earned more trust.

The low point in the relationship came in September 2014, when Obamahaving promised executive action before the electionchanged his mind, bowing to pressure from Democrats in tough races who worried the move would endanger them. Advocates were livid. (Democrats were still pummeled at the polls in November.)

Maybe the relationship just had to hit rock bottom to recover. Advocates were jubilant when Obama finally moved forward in November, and the legal challenge to the rule offered a chance for the White House to demonstrate good faith once again. When Hanen ruled against the administration, the administration appealed the decision to the circuit court. But it also requested an emergency stay of the injunction, asking the court to let it move forward with the changes while the legal challenge moved on.

If they hadnt gone forward after Hanen imposed the original injunction, I think things would have blown up, Sharry said. It was at a moment when we were like, can we trust these guys? DOJ was hemming and hawing about whether they should try to overturn the stay. The White House said, advocates want action. We felt heard. It was a unified call, and they responded.

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Obama and Immigration Reform - The Atlantic

COMPREHENSIVE IMMIGRATION REFORM LET'S GO

In 2013, the Senate passed a bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform bill that would have strengthened our communities, our economy, and our country's future. Representatives from both sides of the aisle have voiced their support for comprehensive immigration reform, and Americans across the country havent wavered. And yet, House Speaker John Boehner and House leadership refused to even bring the bill up for a vote.

That's why President Obama is taking action where he can to help fix our broken immigration system, strengthen our economy, and protect our communities and families.

The President's executive actions will give parents of American citizens or legal resident children who have lived in the U.S. for more than five years relief from deportation if they register with the government, undergo background checks, and pay taxes. It will also allow immigration enforcement officials to focus resources on deporting felons, not families.

These actions to help reform our immigration system will strengthen our country, grow our economy by up to $210 billion in ten years, and could shrink the federal deficit by up to $25 billion over the next decade.

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Comprehensive Immigration Reform - Organizing for Action

From Hillary Clintons Nevada speech in favor of immigration reform to Jeb Bushs unwavering support for it, every presidential candidate in both parties is busy staking out a position on immigration.

The trouble is theyre using the same shopworn talking points theyve always used. Rehashing the same arguments in front of a Congress that has repeatedly rejected them isnt going to work. New reform ideas are needed.

Every immigration reform bill since 2002 has failed partly because they were essentially the same. They have all included the same three broad ideas: increase immigration enforcement, legalize some unauthorized immigrants, and liberalize legal immigration.

The first new idea is the merit-based green card category that was pushed by Sen. Marco Rubio in 2013 and promptly forgotten. That category would have issued up to 250,000 new green cards a year, half of them set aside for mid-skilled workers while the rest were for workers who possess skills like English or computer programming.

New ideas are out there. The question is whether Washington will take advantage of them.

Allowing mid-skilled immigrants to even apply for green cards was so revolutionary and appealed to traditional American views of fairness in the immigration system that this reform was overlooked. Its still a fresh idea that American voters, congressmen and senators havent seriously considered.

Another new idea is to reduce the role of the federal government by allowing states to create their own guest worker visa programs if they wish. American states have provided a democratic laboratory to test different policies like welfare reform, gun laws and tax policies with some clear winners emerging. Why not apply that to immigration?

States could design migrant worker visas for any skill level for any occupation, entrepreneurs, investors, or those who want to buy real estate in blighted cities. Congress can then compare the outcomes among different states and choose the best policies based on experience. Or if the state system works even better than predicted, Congress could permanently hand guest workers over to the states.

America wouldnt be stepping into the unknown here. Both Canada and Australia have their own provincial and state-based migration systems. According to a recent Cato Institute policy analysis, those systems are more responsive to local labor market demands than a one-size-fits-all federal program.

But state-based visas arent just a foreign idea. Since 2008, at least nine U.S. states have proposed to manage their own guest worker visa program including every state that borders Mexico. This year both Texas and California are considering bills to ask the federal government for permission to experiment with different pilot programs of their own design. The federal government should allow states to run their own migration systems.

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Take Immigration Reform Past Talking Points | Cato Institute

If Marco Rubio becomes the first Latino president, it wont be because of the Latino vote. The Republican senator from Floridaalienated many Latinos when he abandoned immigration reform in 2013, and the ones still in his corner dont make up enough of the electorate to make a difference. Coupled with his stances against President Barack Obamas health care law and the Obama administrations executive actions on immigration -- two issues both highly popular with Latinos -- Rubio has the same problem as his Republican rivals: Winning the Latino vote wont be easy.

Rubios challenges were on display Monday, when he formally announced he was running for president. While giving his speech from the Freedom Tower in Miami, a group composed of young illegal immigrants known as Dreamers and other Latino advocates protestedoutside by shouting, What about my family? Rubios dream is our nightmare!" Rubio also faced hecklers angry over his immigration policies on his recent book tour.

"What we have seen is that he's actually turned his back on the Latino community," said Cristina Jimenez, managing director of United We Dream, one of the groups that protested Monday. "It's very clear who's standing with our community and who's not."

Latino voter turnout for then-candidate Barack Obama in 2008 and during his re-election in 2012 propelled him to the White House -- he won roughly 70 percent of the Hispanic vote in both years. Although he didnt get a majority of the Latino vote in 2004, President George W. Bushs re-election was due in part to garnering 44 percent of the Latino vote. By contrast, 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney got only27 percent of the Latino vote.

Theres too much animosity from the Republican Party toward the Latinos, and in order for that to change you cant just run a Latino last name, said Norma Ruiz Guerrero, founder of Memes Media, a New York political advertising firm that helps candidates craft their message to Latino voters. His last name should be Smith, really, she said of Rubio. Hes not anything like the majority of Latinos in this country.

Rubio has a negative net favorability rating among Latinos who voted in the 2014 midterm elections, according to a survey conducted by the polling firm Latino Decisions. Only 31 percent of Latino voters had a favorable view of the Florida senator, while 36 percent held an unfavorable opinion. About a third either had no opinion of Rubio or had never heard of him.

The main factors driving Rubios unpopularity in the Latino community are his about-face on immigration reform and his opposition to Obamas executive actions on immigration. He was one of the so-called Gang of Eight senators who pushed for immigration reform that would have allowed a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants until the plan was killed by the House. Rubio has since said the big bill was a mistake and reform should be done in piecemeal, first through legislation to secure the border.

Thats his Achilles' heel, said Luis Alvarado, a Republican strategist with California consulting firm Revolvis. That will continue to resound until Election Day with all Latinos, and they will make him pay for that.

About two-thirds to three-fourths of Latinos favor less restrictive immigration policies and pathways to citizenship, saysJohn Garcia, a research professor at the Center for Political Studies at the University of Michigan. By siding with conservatives on immigration, Rubio is losing support among Latinos. If he were to win the Republican nomination and then adopt a more liberal stance on immigration, he runs the danger of alienating the GOP base. Rubios problem is that there is no sweet spot on immigration where he can appeal to both groups.

If there was a middle ground, some politicians would have found it by now, Garcia said. In fact, [immigration has] gotten more polarized over time.

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Immigration Reform And Marco Rubio 2016: Hispanics At Odds With Presidential Candidate