Archive for the ‘Fourth Amendment’ Category

Societe Generale: Availability of the fourth amendment to the 2020 Universal Registration Document – Yahoo Finance UK

Yahoo News Canada

Americans across the United States took to the streets in a joyous celebration, following the news that Democratic nominee Joe Biden has won the 2020 U.S. Election.In Los Angeles, a march is taking place to help enforce the results of the election, since Donald Trump is refusing to concede to Biden, and instead is looking to challenge the result in court.After polls originally closed on Nov. 3, Americans and people all over the world waited in anticipation for a nominee to secure 270 electoral votes. Biden has now accomplished that feat to become the 46th president of the United States, along Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, who is the first in the role to be either a woman, Black or Asian American.Following a historic U.S. election where more people voted than ever before Americans look ready to celebrate what could be a promising new chapter for their country.

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Societe Generale: Availability of the fourth amendment to the 2020 Universal Registration Document - Yahoo Finance UK

Napolitano: The government’s lust to spy – Daily Herald

In 2019, agents of the federal and state governments persuaded judges to issue 99% of all requested intercepts. An intercept is any type of government surveillance telephone, text message, email, even in-person. These are intercepts that theoretically are based on probable cause of crime, as is required by the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution.

The 2019 numbers which the government released as we were all watching the end of the presidential election campaign are staggering. The feds, and local and state police in America engaged in 27,431,687 intercepts on 777,840 people. They arrested 17,101 people from among those intercepted and obtained convictions on the basis of evidence obtained via the intercepts on 5,304. That is a conviction rate of 4% of all people spied upon by law enforcement in the United States.

Readers of this column are familiar with the use by federal agents of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act to obtain intercepts using a standard of proof considerably lesser than probable cause of crime. That came about because Congress basically has no respect for the Constitution and authorized the FISA Court to issue intercept warrants if federal agents can identify an American or a foreign person in America who has spoken to a foreign person in another country.

Call your cousin in Florence or a bookseller in Edinburgh or an art dealer in Brussels, and under FISA, the feds can get a warrant from the FISA Court to monitor your future calls and texts and emails.

This FISA system is profoundly unconstitutional; the Fourth Amendment expressly requires that the government state and federal can only lawfully engage in searches and seizures pursuant to warrants issued by a judge based upon a showing under oath of probable cause of crime. The Supreme Court has ruled consistently that intercepts and surveillances constitute searches and seizures. The government searches a database of emails, texts or recorded phone calls and seizes the data it wants.

Thus, when the feds have targeted someone for prosecution and lack probable cause of crime about that person, they resort to FISA. This is not only unlawful and unconstitutional, but also it is corrupting, as it permits criminal investigators to cut constitutional corners by obtaining evidence of crimes outside the scope of the Fourth Amendment. The use of the Fourth Amendment is the only lawful means of engaging in surveillance sufficient to introduce the fruits of the surveillance at a criminal trial.

If the feds happen upon evidence of a crime from their FISA-authorized intercepts, they then need to engage in deceptive acts of parallel construction. That connotes the false creation of an ostensibly lawful intercept in order to claim that they obtained lawfully what they already have obtained unlawfully.

Law enforcement personnel then fake the true means they used to acquire evidence even duping the prosecutors for whom they work so the evidence will appear to have been obtained lawfully and thus can be used at trial. At its essence, parallel construction is a deception on the court. If the deception is perpetrated under oath, it is perjury a felony.

This corruption of the Constitution by those in whose hands we have reposed it for safekeeping happens every day in America.

The FISA-induced corruption has regrettably bled into the culture of non-FISA law enforcement, and even into the judiciary. The statistics I cited above are not from FISA those numbers are secret. Rather, the statistics reflect the governments voracious appetite for spying that now pervades non-FISA law enforcement. This is so because judges accept uncritically the applications made before them for intercept or surveillance warrants.

Thus, even though the Fourth Amendment permits judges to issue warrants only upon the probable likelihood of evidence of a crime in the place to be searched or the person or thing to be seized, the attitude of what constitutes probable cause has been attenuated by both the law enforcement personnel who seek warrants and the judges who hear the applications. We know this because we have not seen a number like 99% of all warrant applications every one supposedly based on probable cause of crime granted. Nor have we seen only 4% of those intercepts resulting in convictions.

The rational conclusion is that the governments appetite for surveillance remains voracious, and judges whose affirmative duty it is to uphold the Constitution as against the other two branches of government have done very little to abate this.

So, what becomes of the remaining 96% of those on whom the government spied? That depends on whether the government charges anyone. If a person is charged and acquitted, and law enforcement unlawfully obtained evidence against that person, his remedy is either persuading the court to suppress the evidence thus resulting in the acquittal, or suing the law enforcement agents who unlawfully spied on him.

Yet, under current Supreme Court decisions about who can sue the government, if the government has spied on you and not charged you and not told you, you have no cause of action against the law enforcement agents who did this.

Stated differently, in 2019, at least 760,739 people in America were spied upon pursuant to judicial orders allegedly based upon probable cause of crime and were neither charged nor informed of the spying.

My Fox colleagues often deride my attacks on those who fail to safeguard our privacy because they argue, we have no privacy. Yet, as Justice Louis Brandeis wrote, the most comprehensive of rights is the right to be let alone. If we forget this, my colleagues will have the last laugh. If we expose its violation, we might know the joys of unmonitored personal fulfillment.

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Napolitano: The government's lust to spy - Daily Herald

California, Massachusetts, and Michigan – 2020 Ballot Initiatives on Privacy – Data Protection Report

The U.S. elections on November 3, 2020 included three states with privacy-related ballot initiatives: California, Massachusetts, and Michigan. Voters supported all three initiatives.

California California Privacy Rights Act (CPRA)

We had previously summarized this proposal to amend the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) with a ballot initiative known as the California Privacy Rights Act (CPRA). Most of the changes will take effect as of January 1, 2023, but one of the immediate effects is that the initiative extends the B2B and employee exceptions through December 31, 2022.

The CPRA potentially extends the 12-month look-back period for access requests to an amount of time to be determined by new regulations, but this change would affect only information collected on or after January 1, 2022.

The CPRA adds two new consumer rights: a right to correct inaccurate personal information and a right to limit use and disclosure of sensitive personal information. In addition, California will have the nations first privacy regulatory agency, because CPRA creates and funds the new California Privacy Protection Agency.

The Do Not Sell My Personal Information website link for consumers will become Do Not Sell or Share My Personal Information and there will be a second link Limit the Use of My Sensitive Personal Information.

Although its not entirely clear, because the health research amendment to CCPA that the California legislature had passed in September appears to be largely unaffected by CPRA. We had previously summarized that amendment here. Because the amendment added sections to CCPA that are not affected by CPRA, the new sections apparently are unchanged.

Importantly, CPRA does not contain any new private right of action. It leaves unchanged the private right of action for breaches as currently provided in CCPA.

Massachusetts On-Board Diagnostics (Telematics) Data

In Massachusetts, Question 1 for voters related to owner access to motor vehicle networks and on-board diagnostics systemsso-called telematics data. Under this ballot initiative, commencing with model year 2022, any manufacturer of motor vehicles equipped with telematics systems that are sold in Massachusetts must equip the vehicles with an inter-operable, standardized and open access platform across all of the manufacturers makes and models. The new law requires that the platform be capable of securely communicating all mechanical data emanating directly from the motor vehicle via direct data connection to the platform.

The data must be directly accessible by the motor vehicle owner and, with the owners authorization, by independent repair facilities or class 1 dealers, for the time needed to repair the vehicle or for maintaining, diagnosing and repairing the vehicle.

The Attorney General is required to create an explanatory notice for prospective motor vehicle owners, which the individuals will be required to sign. The new right to repair law provides a private right of action by owners and authorized independent repair shops denied access to the data. Penalties for each denial of access are the greater of treble damages or $10,000.

Michigan Search Warrant for Electronic Data

In Michigan, Proposal 2 asked voters to weigh in on a proposed amendment to the state constitution. The Michigan constitutions Article 1 12 is similar to the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The approved ballot proposal revised the state constitution section to read:

Searches and Seizures

The person, houses, papers, and possessions, and electronic data and electronic communications of every person shall be secure from unreasonable searches and seizures. No warrant to search any place or to seize any person or things or to access electronic data or electronic communications shall issue without describing them, nor without probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation. The provisions of this section shall not be construed to bar from evidence in any criminal proceeding any narcotic drug, firearm, bomb, explosive or any other dangerous weapon, seized by a peace officer outside the curtilage of any dwelling house in this state.

Readers may recall that the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Fourth Amendment required the police to obtain a warrant to access a suspects cell phone (Riley v California, in 2014) or to access cell phone tracking data (Carpenter v. United States, in 2018). The changes to the Michigan constitution extend to electronic data and electronic communications beyond what the U.S. Supreme Court had addressed.

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California, Massachusetts, and Michigan - 2020 Ballot Initiatives on Privacy - Data Protection Report

Election day in and around Red Bluff – Red Bluff Daily News

Tuesday is always my busy day, but because the Board of Supervisors had no meeting this week, I was able to do enjoyable things. A welcome change.

It started with an outdoor socially distanced visit with someone I love at Brentwood skilled care facility. Brentwood has gone out of its way to make limited visiting safe for everyone. It helps the residents who have been suffering by not having regular visits with family members. Meeting in a large tent outside felt like a clandestine exchange of espionage information. I brought a giant bag of leftover Halloween candy for the residents and staff to share. Better them than us.

I met a friend for lunch at From the Hearths sidewalk cafe. Black and Bleu Salad for both of us. Yum. While walking back to the car, I ran into another friend and we caught up, not having seen each other for months. He didnt even know I had a column tsk tsk.

While we were chatting, three very friendly women approached us and said, Thank you for wearing a mask. You have just won $50. They were from the United Way and are walking around Redding, Red Bluff and Chico handing out $50 gift cards to people wearing masks. Score.

I went grocery shopping and was home in time to watch the early election returns with a nice martini. Congratulations to John Leach for winning the District 5 supervisor seat. He has promised to listen to the citizens. Wont that be nice?

And now for something you will rarely read in this column. Thank you, Code Enforcement. Yep, I am thanking the people whose prime directive for the past five years has been to violate the Fourth Amendment rights of its citizens by conducting warrantless searches of their private curtilages.

Apparently someone called and complained about a property in Manton Im not sure what the issue was, but it was probably too much junk in the yard or people living in RVs, goddess forbid. When they came up the hill to serve an abatement notice to the hapless residents, a hard working local gal asked why they were always up here handing out citations, but never offering to help the economically and often physically challenged populace in our town?

She must have struck a nerve, because Officer Clint Weston offered to bring up a couple huge dumpsters, leave them at a central location, and people could clean up their places and CE would haul it away. He also offered to tow away old cars. And none of it would cost people a dime.

This is precisely the kind of thing Code Enforcement should be spending its $848,000 a year on. As of this writing there were at least nine cars ready to be towed and the dumpster for metal appeared to be almost full. Thank you, Officer Weston and everybody over at CE and Environmental Health. Maybe this is the start of a beautiful new relationship.

A little caveat about my column from last week. I had written on Thursday about the COVID-infectious person who had been in a bar for several hours. My deadline is Friday morning and I dutifully sent the column off to the editor.

I had learned about the incident at the supervisors meeting on Tuesday morning and was under the impression that the person was in the bar, which turned out to be The Roundup, the weekend prior to Tuesdays meeting, Oct. 23-25. That would have meant the person, who did not cooperate with contact tracing, had only been exposing people for a few days.

What a rude awakening Saturday morning when everyone read that the COVID Drink-along had occurred the weekend before, Oct. 16-18. Whose decision was it to withhold information about this potential super-spreader event for 10-14 days? Anyone with a basic understanding of exponential math can figure out a boatload of people were exposed because of it.

Since the infected person wasnt cooperating with contact tracing, you can be sure he wasnt telling his buddies or anyone he ran into at Walmart. And without knowing it, those people could have spread it and so on and so on.

Releasing the name of the person would violate his HIPAA rights and nobody wants that, but the name of the bar should have been well publicized immediately so other patrons could get tested and isolate themselves. Shame on you, Public Health.

The office of the County Counsel sent me the information I had requested about the almost half million dollars spent yearly on investigating welfare fraud. Social Services receives federal, state and local funding which they give to the district attorneys office to catch welfare cheats. The program is mandatory and necessary, but are we getting our moneys worth?

The total dollar amount of fraud overpayments identified in investigations in 2019 was $125,304. However, part of that total was later found not to be fraud. I couldnt figure out how much, but it appears that 33 people who were prosecuted were not disqualified from receiving payments while one person was. Some people were disqualified in administrative hearings after being investigated by the DAs office, and there is no way to know how many were disqualified by Social Services employees before they received payments. Certainly more than the DAs office found.

Even if we give them the benefit of the doubt and say they saved $125,000 by spending almost four times that amount, is that a good plan?

But Liz, says the Straw Man, most of that money comes from the state and federal government, not county coffers. Right, but its still our tax dollars. Waste is waste. This program was started during the previous DAs tenure, so maybe its time to take a look at it.

Maybe well know who will occupy the White House for the next four years by the time you read this. Patience and martinis will get us through. Ill be drinking the good stuff thanks to United Way.

Liz Merry has been half of Merry Standish Comedy for 30 years and is a former downtown Red Bluff business owner. She now has a home-based business and is locked and loaded in Manton. She can be reached atlizmerry58@gmail.com.

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Election day in and around Red Bluff - Red Bluff Daily News

What Is a Seizure, and What Is a Holding? The Court Hears Argument in Torres v. Madrid – Justia Verdict

Last month, the Supreme Court heard argument in Torres v. Madrid. The case presents the question whether police carry out a seizure for Fourth Amendment purposes when they shoot a person in the back but the injured individual still manages to flee. This column will take up two of the issues that each puzzled at least one of the Justices. The first has to do with the difference between touching someone directly with ones hands, on the one hand, and using ones hands to touch another person with an inanimate object, on the other. The second is about the distinction between holding and dicta, specifically as applied to the case of California v. Hodari D. A discussion of these two cases will reveal how very flexible the Constitution can be, lending itself to very different interpretations.

In 1991, the Court decided California v. Hodari D. A minor had been running away from the police, and the latter gave chase. During the pursuit, Hodari threw down some illicit drugs that he had been carrying in his pocket. The police picked up the drugs and somehow managed to catch and apprehend Hodari as well. The question in that case was whether the police had seized Hodari when they began chasing him, before tackling him and bringing him under their control. The Courts answer was that until the officer had tackled Hodari, the former had not seized the latter for Fourth Amendment purposes. This outcome mattered to Hodari because if there was a seizure and that seizure was unreasonable (as California had conceded for purposes of that case), then the dropped drugs would be the fruit of the unreasonable seizure and therefore subject to suppression at the criminal trial. If, on the other hand, there was no seizure until after the dropping of the drugs, then police would have needed no reason for chasing Hodari, and the drugs would qualify as abandoned property, freely admissible at the criminal trial.

Hodari lost his case, and that fact may have been the only relevant feature of the outcome, from his perspective. For attorneys and their future clients, however, Hodari D. let us know that in order to qualify as a seizure under the Fourth Amendment, the police conduct must do one of two things. It must represent a show of authority to which the suspect submits or alternatively, it must consist of the officers touching the suspect or applying physical force to him, whether the touch or force does or does not successfully result in the suspects apprehension. A show of authority alone (such as by chasing a suspect down the street) thus must succeed before it matures into a seizure, while touching or applying physical force to the suspect is a seizure immediately, even if the suspect escapes the officers grasp and thus terminates the seizure. Hodari D. thus gave us a working map of when an attempt at apprehending someone is and is not a Fourth Amendment seizure.

One question that arose briefly at the oral argument in Torres was whether shooting a person in the back qualifies as a seizure even though the officers touching of or applying physical force to the suspect happened through the projectile of a bullet. In other words, if an officers grabbing a person with his hand counts as seizing him (notwithstanding the persons slipping through the officers grasp), then does that mean that causing an inanimate object (like a bullet) to touch the person also qualifies as a seizure? Though arrests during the colonial period (aka framing and ratification) generally involved no guns, it seems sensible to treat touching (or applying physical force) with an officers hands as the equivalent of touching (or applying physical force) with a projectile or some other object. Imagine if all that an officer had to do to avoid triggering the Fourth Amendments requirements was to wear a pair of gloves or grab a suspect who was wearing a sweater or a coat. Using inanimate objects to do things like sweep the floor, drive a car, beat people up, or attempt to kill those people seems logically indistinguishable from doing those things with ones own hands. Indeed, the very purpose of these items is to make it easier for us to do things we would otherwise have had to do with our hands. Sweeping the floor is far easier with a broom and dustpan than it would be with ones hands alone, and penetrating a suspects back is likewise a simpler matter with a gun than it would otherwise be. I think most people would find bizarre any rule distinguishing between touching with hands and touching with such items as bullets, for purposes of the Fourth Amendments regulation of what police may do to suspects.

The Justices who spoke during argument seemed to want to keep faith with Justice Antonin Scalias opinion for the Court in Hodari D. For the petitioner Roxanne Torres, that would appear to mean that shooting a suspect in the back (in a hail of 13 bullets, 11 of which missed her) does qualify as a seizure and therefore fall within the Fourth Amendments requirements. The Court said in Hodari D. that touching or applying physical force to the suspect is a seizure, even if the touching or physical force fails to lead to successful apprehension. The next step would be a remand in which the lower court would address the question whether the seizure in question was or was not reasonable.

But at least a few of the Justices seemed to think that the holding of Hodari D. was far narrower. Justice Clarence Thomas, for instance, at one point seemed perplexed that a case ruling against the respondent could possibly support the Torres petitioner. All we learned from Hodari D., in other words, was that the police officer there did not seize the suspect by chasing after him. That alone was the holding. The only side that could benefit from the case would accordingly be the government, which could say in future cases that other officers pursuing a suspect would also not qualify as seizing him for Fourth Amendment purposes. Why was the respondent citing it? Though other Justices were somewhat more circumspect in their phrasing, several seemed to agree with Justice Thomas that the holding in Hodari D. had nothing affirmative to say about when a police action did qualify as a seizure.

I found this conception of holding and dicta peculiar. Under it, if Justice Scalia had truly wanted to hew to the Article III case or controversy requirement, in letter as well as in spirit, he would have written the following opinion:

The respondent asserts that police seized him. California (unnecessarily, see Proverbs) concedes that it acted unreasonably, thus leaving the seizure/not-a-seizure issue the only one before us. The officer chased after Hodari but failed to catch him until after Hodari had discarded his drugs on the street. Chasing is not a seizure, so the State of California wins.

Opinions would be much shorter. One could read them in a fraction of the time it ordinarily takes to absorb judicial writings.

I and most attorneys, I suspect, do not think of the holding of a case in that limited way. The holding is both the outcome in the case (Hodari lost) and an explanation of what led the Justices to reach that conclusion. In Hodari D., that explanation would include the two types of seizure (touching or physical force and show of authority) and what happens when an officer unsuccessfully attempts to carry out one of the two. What led to Hodaris loss, then, was not merely the fact that chasing is not a seizure but also the fact that the officer there was attempting a seizure through a show of authority rather than by physically touching the suspect and attempting to force him into custody. That broader conception of the holding clarifies its utility for Roxanne Torres: in her case, the officers did touch her/apply force to her by shooting her in the back. Despite her escape, we know from Hodari D. that the officers seized Torres for the period during which their bullets were hitting her in the back. Hodari lost for the same reason that Torres should win: the officer never touched Hodari but the officers did touch Torres. The Courts emphasis on that fact has plain implications for other cases like Torres.

For an illustration, consider the following hypothetical case. A state passes a law requiring abortion patients to receive an informed consent session (telling them about fetal pain and a debunked link between abortion and cancer) twenty-four hours before having the procedure. Because of the global pandemic, women complain that having to enter a clinic with lots of other people on two separate occasions doubles their risk of contracting the virus. Assume that the Supreme Court upholds the requirement 6-3, explaining that lots of cases in the past have upheld waiting periods and that we are not in the midst of a natural disaster.

Now imagine that another case arises in a state high court. The appellants challenge a law requiring an informed consent session forty-eight hours before an abortion. Could the state high court hold that the law violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment? It could perhaps do so by distinguishing twenty-four from forty-eight hours, but it would help a lot if in between the two cases, a relevant authority had declared COVID-19 a natural disaster. The relevant distinction between the two cases, one that actually calls upon the reasoning of the earlier decision, is that now the appellant would be dealing with a natural disaster and might accordingly get to rely on that fact in a way that the last challenger could not. An opinion, in contrasting the facts before the Court with the facts that would change everything, offers reasoning in defense of the outcome. That reasoning is as much a part of the holding as the petitioners loss or the respondents gain.

Sometimes it truly is difficult to know whether to consider some feature of a case to be holding or dicta. If we have a plurality and several overlapping concurrences, it may be that the only real holding is that the petitioner or respondent won given the facts before the Court. Such rulings are virtually useless to lower courts because facts are rarely identical to those in an earlier case. The Supreme Court would likely avoid granting certiorari if it anticipated an outcome of this sort because certiorari is a vehicle for the Court to help guide the lower courts. A holding that contains nothing but the naked outcome of the case provides little guidance and few reasons to prefer one case over another in deciding when to grant certiorari.

The understanding of a holding that several Justices apparently have asks us to ignore the part of a majority opinion that provides a justification and explanation for the outcome, an account that includes distinctions between the facts that came out one way and the facts that would have yielded a different result. Torres is one of those cases in which the routes to one of the outcomes (in which the government wins) are both so unconvincing that it would hardly seem necessary to refute them. Of course an officer has touched a suspect at least as much by shooting her in the back as he would have done by momentarily grabbing her arm. And obviously the Hodari D. case holds that the officers failure to touch Hodari D. was the reason that the officer there did not seize the suspect. I am hopeful that despite everything, a majority of the Court will reach the right result in Torres and will offer an explanation for that result, an explanation that will someday qualify as part of the holding.

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What Is a Seizure, and What Is a Holding? The Court Hears Argument in Torres v. Madrid - Justia Verdict