Archive for the ‘First Amendment’ Category

Car shows, the First Amendment, and $30 – The Citizen.com

The pastor of a large Baptist church in Fayette County, GA has been ordered by a county marshal to appear before a judge in August. The potential penalty could be up to $1,000 fine and 60 days in jail. The church held a car show on its property which, according to the county, requires a $30 permit fee. The church refused to pay and thus the confrontation.

I am not the pastor and cannot speak to the rightness or wrongness of the position he and the church have taken. However, I am a pastor and have been so for some five decades. During the pandemic, we, along with other churches, were faced with a dilemma. What do we do about restricted attendance, social distancing, suggested but not mandated mask wearing, and all the rest that caused angst among church leaders?

Our Council met on Zoom many times throughout the pandemic and grappled with the situation as best we could. We decided that we had two biblical mandates: (1) To obey those in authority over us, including the government. (2) To obey God rather than man. We sought to do both, as difficult as that was. At the very start, we eliminated two extreme positions: (1) To refuse to do anything different no matter what we were told, and (2) to shut down worship services until the pandemic was over.

So, we walked through those months and tried to remain as flexible as we could. Of course, not everyone in the church was happy, especially those who held opinions on one or the other extremes. As a result, we lost some people, but our goal was not to please everyone but to do the right things and keep our people safe while trying to fulfill those two biblical mandates. At the end, no one who attended our services caught or spread the Covid-19 virus. As far as I know, no one got sick, and no one died. Mission accomplished.

For over 13 years I was the senior pastor of Trinity Fellowship Church. Along about the tenth year of my tenure, the Official Board and I decided to start a Christian school. I soon discovered that the Fire Marshal had a say in what we would need to do to the building to come into compliance. It was going to cost us a bit. But we complied and eventually received the go ahead to begin the school. Today, though I have been gone from there almost 28 years, through excellent leadership and parents who sacrifice, Trinity Christian School now has around 1,900 students on two campuses. It was well worth the start-up costs and both biblical mandates were fulfilled.

Personally, I would have paid the $30 for the reasons mentioned above. But then, its not up to me and there may be valid reasons why the position was taken. Perhaps they believe its a First Amendment issue. For their part, the county has the power to exempt the church should it choose to do so. It just seems like an awful lot of fuss over $30.

[David Epps is the Rector of the Cathedral of Christ the King (www.ctk.life). Worship services are on Sundays at 10:00 a.m. and on livestream at http://www.ctk.life. He is the bishop of the Diocese of the Mid-South (www.midsouthdiocese.life). He has been a weekly opinion columnist for The Citizen for over 27 years. He may be contacted at davidepps@ctk.life.]

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Car shows, the First Amendment, and $30 - The Citizen.com

ACLU lawsuit claims Rose Bud ordinance restricts First Amendment rights – KARK

ROSE BUD, Ark. A lawsuit filed by the ACLU of Arkansas on behalf of the ballot question committee For AR Kids claims the town of Rose Bud broke the law.

The suit claims an ordinance that puts restrictions on petition canvassers at a town event violates First Amendment rights.

The ordinance that was passed would require canvassers to collect signatures only at their booth, and not be able to walk around, which the ACLU says violates the First Amendment.

The judge put a halt to the ordinance for the time being Thursday.

The ordinance said no one can ask for signatures on any property owned by the city of Rose Bud, except at a booth or other spot rented by the group trying to get signatures.

Rose Bud Mayor Shawn Gorham said the ordinance was passed to prevent crowd congestion at the entrance and exit of events, where canvassers might ask those trying to get into their annual summer fest event.

Sarah Everett with the ACLU of Arkansas said the ordinance kept people from being able to express themselves by collecting signatures on public property.

She said thats one of the reasons they filed for a temporary restraining order, which was granted Thursday. This means the city of Rose Buds ordinance restricting canvassing abilities, cant be enforced.

The ordinance violated the First Amendment because it kept people from being able to express themselves to collect signatures for specific issues on public property, so collecting signatures for ballot petitions is First Amendment-protected activity, Everett said.

Gorham said the ordinance had nothing to do with any issues individually or his personal thoughts, that they just passed it to help with crowd control at what he says is a very populated event.

The only thing it wouldve limited is rather than anybody regardless of who you are, you would have not been able to walk around, the location of anywhere other than the booth space that you rented, Gorham said.

He also said they are fully abiding by the law and the judges order.

More than 90,000 signatures must be collected by July 5 to put the issues canvassers were gathering signatures for on the November 2024 ballot.

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ACLU lawsuit claims Rose Bud ordinance restricts First Amendment rights - KARK

DOJ report on Phoenix PD contains guidance on First Amendment rights at protests – Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press

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In 2021, the Civil Rights Division at the U.S. Justice Department launched a series of pattern-or-practice investigations into several police departments around the country. These investigations often lead to a court-enforceable consent decree, negotiated between the DOJ and the agency investigated, to eliminate pervasive violations of constitutional or legal rights.

In 2023, the department issued reports on the Louisville and Minneapolis police departments that, for the first time ever, included specific findings on violations of press rights.

TheLouisville reportfound that journalists were swept up in the Louisville Metropolitan Police Departments indiscriminate responses to the 2020 protests and that arrests and retaliatory force against journalists violated the firmly established qualified right of access for the press to observe government activities.

And theMinneapolis reportincluded a whole subsection on police interactions with the press. Notably, the report recognized that removing journalists from the scene of protests through blanket dispersal orders, even when police may lawfully remove others present, can violate the First Amendment because any restriction on newsgathering must leave open ample alternative channels for gathering the news.

Last week, the DOJ released itspattern-or-practice reporton the Phoenix Police Department and the city of Phoenix. While it does not contain findings specific to the press, it does contain a significant section on police interactions with protesters that is relevant to the basic First Amendment principles that are also at play in police-press interactions.

Most notably, the report confirms that, while officers may use force to target specific and imminent threats of violence, they may not ban the activity of peaceful protestors because of the violent acts of others. In doing so, it cites toIndex Newspapers LLC v. United States Marshals Service, a case from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, where the court left an injunction in place barring federal officers from dispersing journalists engaged in lawful newsgathering from the scene of protests.

Both the report and theIndex Newspaperscase stand for the proposition that the First Amendment requires any police response to violent conduct by some at protests to be tailored to addressing that conduct by those individuals.

The Phoenix report underlines that point in several ways. It finds that the Phoenix Police Department violated the First Amendment rights of lawful protesters by (1) using indiscriminate force that failed to target individuals engaged in unlawful activity, (2) using mass arrests to clear peaceful protesters (including having a policy in 2019 and 2020 to incarcerate as many people as possible), (3) arresting or using force against individuals in response to criticism, insults, or perceived disrespect, and (4) retaliating against people for recording police activity.

Again, the through line in the Louisville, Minneapolis, and now Phoenix pattern-or-practice reports is the basic principle that officers may lawfully use force against individuals engaged in unlawful activity, but it must be tailored to address that specific activity, and that tailoring means that peaceful protesters must be protected and that journalists may have a right to remain on the scene and report.

In addition to this work of the Civil Rights Division, the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, or COPS,at the DOJ has been working on a set of high-level national best practices for police-press interactions at protests. During a convening the Reporters Committee helped coordinate with media and police representatives last October, we urged the DOJ to emphasize the importance of that tailoring for the press in the ultimate report (which we hope will be released soon).

Given the possibility of mass demonstrations in the upcoming election season, its exceedingly valuable for the DOJ to be setting down a marker on these fundamental First Amendment principles.

The Technology and Press Freedom Project at the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press uses integrated advocacy combining the law, policy analysis, and public education to defend and promote press rights on issues at the intersection of technology and press freedom, such as reporter-source confidentiality protections, electronic surveillance law and policy, and content regulation online and in other media. TPFP is directed by Reporters Committee attorney Gabe Rottman. He works with RCFP Staff Attorney Grayson Clary and Technology and Press Freedom Project Fellow Emily Hockett.

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DOJ report on Phoenix PD contains guidance on First Amendment rights at protests - Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press

Chicago Police Department Revises Plan to Handle Protests Around DNC After Reform Groups Object – WTTW News

Protesters and police officers wearing riot gear have a standoff near Daley Plaza on Saturday, May 30, 2020. (Evan Garcia / WTTW News)

Chicago Police Department officials have significantly changed their plan to handle protests during the Democratic National Convention in response to objections lodged by police reform groups against a policy that would allow mass arrests, officials said.

The coalition of police reform groups behind the consent decree, the federal court order requiring CPD to change the way it trains, supervises and disciplines officers, told a federal judge that the original policy designed to give officers the power to make mass arrests of protestors violated the First Amendment. The new policy includes significant changes, officials told WTTW News.

CPD officers will now be required to take additional steps to protect the First Amendment rights of protestors and remain unbiased and opinion neutral in any communication with individuals within the crowd while affirming that the First Amendment rights of lawful participants are protected.

Officers will be prohibited from arresting those engaged in First Amendment protests for minor or petty offenses or for actions that pose no immediate threat to the safety of the community, or others, or of causing property damage, according to the revised policy.

Read the full revised policy here.

Chicagoans have until June 30 to weigh in on the new draft of the policy, which has not yet been finalized, even though the convention is less than two months away.

Alexandra Block, director of the Criminal Legal System and Policing Project at the ACLU of Illinois, who represents the coalition, said the revised policy represents a substantial improvement over the original policy, even though concerns remain.

The coalition does not endorse this policy, Block told WTTW News on Friday, in advance of a formal summary of their response to the new policy being filed next week with the federal judge overseeing the consent decree. But it is a policy that we made better.

Protestors can only be arrested as a last resort, when police have evidence that their actions pose an immediate threat to the lives of others or may cause property damage, according to the policy.

For example, a group of protesters could face arrest if they choose to block access to a hospital, because that could threaten public safety, Block said. But those who engage in protests that pose no such threat may not be arrested, even if they do not follow police directives, according to the policy.

In addition, only specific protestors who pose a threat to people or property can be arrested not everyone participating in the protest, according to the new policy.

That should reduce the need for Chicago police to make mass arrests during protests, Block said.

Mayor Brandon Johnson and Chicago Police Supt. Larry Snelling have repeatedly said "that Chicago police officers are prepared to lawfully police the massive protests expected to erupt around the United Center and downtown under the white-hot media glare the convention is sure to trigger.

Snelling has promised officers will be better prepared to handle protests around the convention than they were when demonstrations and unrest triggered by the police murder of George Floyd erupted in May 2020, when officers failed to protect the constitutional rights of thousands of Chicagoans, according to two probes, one by the independent monitoring team charged with determining whether the city is making good on its promises of reform and one by the citys inspector general.

Our officers will be ready, disciplined and trained to deal with those situations, Snelling said June 6. We want people to have their voices heard. The Chicago Police Department, we do not get political when it comes to this. Our job is public safety and we want to make sure that we keep the public safe.

The potential of violent protests marring the 2024 convention is especially fraught because of condemnation of President Joe Bidens support for Israel in its war against Hamas in Gaza.

Massive anti-Vietnam War protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention triggered a police riot, highlighting the partys split over the war, and helping to elect former President Richard Nixon. Those images indelibly stained Chicagos reputation as a home for political conventions.

When the Democratic National Convention returned to Chicago in 1996, it was peaceful, helping to boost former President Bill Clintons reelection bid.

The revised policy would not require officers to document every time they used force against a member of the public. The original policy required documentation only if someone is injured, a provision that violated the consent decree, according to the coalition.

In addition, the revised policy bans kettling, the confinement by police of a group of demonstrators or protesters in a small area, as a method of crowd control.

The revised policy also ensures that credentialed members of the news media will not be required to disperse if police officials order a First Amendment assembly to disperse.

The revised policy was released approximately 10 days after Inspector General Deborah Witzburg released a report outlining persistent concerns officers are prepared to lawfully police protests expected to erupt around the convention.

Witzburg said she was particularly concerned CPD officials have already been training officers on these yet-to-be finalized policies, a concern Block said she shared with less than two months to go before the convention takes place Aug. 19-22.

That is a problem of CPDs own making, Block said. All of this could have been avoided.

Contact Heather Cherone:@HeatherCherone| (773) 569-1863 |[emailprotected]

A Safer City is supported, in part, by the Sue Ling Gin Foundation Initiative for Reducing Violence in Chicago.

Originally posted here:
Chicago Police Department Revises Plan to Handle Protests Around DNC After Reform Groups Object - WTTW News

Is Promotion of Free Services "Commercial Speech" for First Amendment Purposes? – Reason

From today's decision by Judge William K. Session III (D. Vt.) in Nat'l Inst. of Family & Life Advocates v. Clark, which allows plaintiffs' challenge to a Vermont regulation to go forward (denying defendants' motion to dismiss):

Plaintiffs challenge [a] provision[] in Vermont Senate Bill No. 37 . [that] prohibits "unfair and deceptive" acts in commerce by LSPCs [limited services pregnancy centers], including dissemination of information to the public any "advertising about the services or proposed services performed at that center that is untrue or clearly designed to mislead the public." The subsection on legislative intent explains that "accurate information about the services that a limited-services pregnancy center performs is essential to enable individuals in this State to make informed decisions about their care."

The Advertising Provision does not explicitly define what it means for an advertisement to be misleading. However, the statement of findings and legislative intent states that some LSPCs "provide confusing and misleading information to pregnant individuals contemplating abortion by leading those individuals to believe that [the LSPCs] offer abortion services and unbiased counseling," and that some LSPCs have promoted "patently false or biased medical claims about abortion." Such misleading advertising is "of special concern to the State because of the time-sensitive and constitutionally protected nature of the decision to continue or terminate a pregnancy."

Defendants argue that the advertising provision only prohibits false and misleading commercial speech, which is not protected by the First Amendment, and accordingly ask the Court to dismiss Plaintiffs' Complaint. For the following reasons, that request is denied.

The threshold issue is whether the restricted speech is commercial in the first place. "The propriety of distinguishing commercial from noncommercial speech in evaluating a First Amendment claim derives from Supreme Court precedents affording the former only 'a limited measure of protection, commensurate with its subordinate position in the scale of First Amendment values.'" Commercial speech is generally defined as "speech that does no more than propose a commercial transaction." Courts have explained that this definition is a "starting point," and try to give effect to "a 'common-sense distinction between commercial speech and other varieties of speech."

The Supreme Court has focused on three factors in evaluating whether speech is commercial: whether the speech is an advertisement, whether it references a particular product, and whether there is an economic motivation underlying the speech. It has also counseled that commercial speech is "expression related solely to the economic interests of the speaker and its audience."

Plaintiffs have plausibly alleged that the speech restricted by the advertising provision is not merely commercial. The first Bolger prong goes in favor of the State; the statute limits its purview to "advertising about the services or proposed services performed at the center." The advertising provision's narrow scopeapplying only to "advertising about the services or proposed services" at the LSPCmakes it seem like the statute targets only speech that is aimed at proposing a commercial transaction.

However, drawing all plausible inferences in favor of Plaintiffs, prongs two and three from Bolger both counsel against concluding that the LSPCs' speech is purely commercial, at least for purposes of the motion to dismiss. Several courts have concluded that medical clinics promote specific products. However, the Vermont statute does not regulate Plaintiffs' advertising with reference to a specific productrather, it focuses on which entities are advertising, and requires that all of their advertisements conform to certain standards. This seems to regulate LSPCs rather than a particular service that they provide.

Finally, it is not clear whether economic motive undergirds Plaintiffs' activitiesso for purposes of the motion to dismiss, the Court concludes that it does not. It is undisputed that Plaintiffs provide services free of cost, and it is difficult to categorize solicitations as "proposed transactions" when the target audience is not charged. As the Fourth Circuit explained, "[a] morally and religiously motivated offering of free services cannot be described as a bare 'commercial transaction.'" {This is an issue that requires additional factual development. The Court is mindful that LSPCs provide services that trade off with other services, arguably placing their solicitations in a commercial context.}

Consequently, although the advertising provision plainly regulates only advertising, the statute's regulation based on actor rather product combined with the LSPCs' ostensible lack of economic motivation for speech requires the preliminary conclusion that the regulated speech is not purely commercial.

Because Plaintiffs' regulated speech is not commercial, the advertising provision is subject to heightened scrutiny. Strict scrutiny permits speech restrictions only when the government proves that its restrictions "are narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests."

The State submits that the advertising provision is "narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests." Specifically, it argues that the advertising provision serves to protect consumers "against unfair and deceptive business practices, including false advertising," and submits that the legislature specifically found that LSPCs frequently make false and misleading claims. This may be the case, but narrow tailoring is a factual question that is best evaluated with a more developed evidentiary record. The legislature's rationale for the law and the fit of the law to the relevant social problem are factual questions that the Court will address at later stages of litigation.

The State next argues that the provider regulation is a restriction on professional conduct that incidentally burdens speech and therefore receives "intermediate scrutiny or less." The Supreme Court considered this issue in a 2018 case involving these same plaintiffs. Nat'l Inst. of Fam. & Life Advocs. ("NIFLA") v. Becerra (2018). In NIFLA, the Court noted that while "professional speech" is not categorized as a type of speech entitled to reduced First Amendment protection, states have broader authority to regulate speech of professionals than non-professionals in two circumstances: first, when states require that professionals disclose "factual, noncontroversial information" in their commercial speech, and second, when states regulate professional conduct "even though that conduct incidentally involves speech." In support of this second point, the Court cited with approval prior decisions regulating professional conduct such as state rules limiting lawyers' communication with potential clients; state regulation of malpractice by professionals; and state requirements that doctors performing abortions must provide information "in a manner mandated by the State" about the risks of this medical treatment.

In concluding that states may regulate professional conduct that incidentally burdens speech, the NIFLA Court noted that while "drawing the line between speech and conduct can be difficult, this Court's precedents have long drawn it." It also noted that "[a]s with other kinds of speech, regulating the content of professionals' speech 'pose[s] the inherent risk that the Government seeks not to advance a legitimate regulatory goal, but to suppress unpopular ideas or information." This is especially true in the medical field, where "doctors help patients make deeply personal decisions, and their candor is crucial."

Post-NIFLA, several cases have upheld restrictions on professional conduct even when that conduct includes some speech. See, e.g., Del Castillo v. Sec'y, Fla. Dep't of Health (11th Cir. 2022) (upholding a statute requiring a license to practice as a dietician or nutritionist even when the restrictions also covered "nutrition counseling"); Capital Assoc. Indus., Inc. v. Stein (4th Cir. 2019) (upholding a ban on the practice of law by non- lawyers). The central question here is whether the provider regulation governs speech or conduct.

The Court concludes that while the statute primarily regulates conduct, its burden on speech may be more than "incidental" for two reasons.

First, the provider regulation [a separate regulation discussed in more detail in the full opinion -EV] makes licensed providers responsible for the (non-professional) speech/conduct of others. The statute seeks to regulate the speech of non-professionalsunlicensed medical providersby treating them as professionals even when they would not otherwise be subject to state licensing regimes if they worked anywhere else. Importantly, the covered non-professional conduct includes speech: as Plaintiffs note, "health information" is defined to include "any oral or written information in any form that relates to the past, present, or future physical or mental health or condition of a client." Drawing all inferences in favor of the Plaintiffs, the provider regulation could make licensed providers responsible for any conversation between an unlicensed provider and a patient at an LSPC when that conversation at all relates to the health of the patient.

The specific issue is with the narrow category of individuals who are made accountable for non-licensed speech: licensed providers who work at LSPCs. This suggests content (and viewpoint) discrimination. The law does not make all licensed providers at pregnancy clinics responsible for ensuring that health care services, information, and counseling comply with Vermont law. Instead, it singles out LSPCs for that treatment, subjecting the conduct and speech of medical service providers with particular views to heightened burdens. This could trigger heightened scrutiny. See, e.g., Holder v. Humanitarian L. Project (2010) (stating that when a law governing conduct regulates a message, First Amendment principles apply).

The second problem with the provider regulation is that it restricts the conduct (and speech) of non-licensed individuals. In some ways, this is perfectly benign: licensing requirements only work if people without licenses are restricted from taking certain actions. In Capital Associated Industries, the relevant statutory scheme precluded corporations from practicing law without a license. But this rule was applied without reference to the type of law that was practiced. Here, on the other hand, non-licensed individuals are exempt from medical professional standards in two circumstances: (1) if they work at any clinic other than an LSPC; or (2) if they work at an LSPC that does not employ a licensed provider. This under-inclusivity raises questions about whether the provider regulation is actually a conduct regulation or a licensing scheme directed at restraining speech.

While the NIFLA Court concluded that legislatures may regulate professional conduct when that restriction incidentally burdens speech, the provider regulation makes professionals responsible for the expressive conduct of others. NIFLA does not address that issue. It also does not stand for the principle that the government may regulate non-professional speech under the pretense that it is regulating professional speech.

The court also had this to say about whether the law is content- or viewpoint-discriminatory:

The parties dispute whether either provision constitutes content or viewpoint discrimination. Content-based laws, which "target speech based on its communicative intent," are "presumptively unconstitutional and may be justified only if the government proves that they are narrowly tailored to serve compelling interests." Viewpoint discrimination is a particularly insidious form of content discrimination, taking place when the government targets "particular views taken by speakers on a subject." Even an apparently content-neutral regulation can be deemed content-based if "there is evidence that an impermissible purpose or justification" underpins it.

It is challenging to discern whether the instant laws are content-based or content-neutral. On the one hand, the advertising provision regulates LSPCs' advertisements without reference to the content of the advertisements. This makes it different from classic content-discrimination cases, in which the law allows or disallows speech based on the subject discussed. The advertising provision only considers whether the restriction is false or deceptive, which is a determination that canin a sensebe made without reference to the content contained in the advertisement because it focuses solely on the binary question of whether consumers would think the advertisement promotes a service or product that it does not.

On the other hand, evaluating whether an advertisement is false or deceptive clearly requires consideration of its content (what it offers) and whether it is a faithful and non-misleading representation of the services provided. Regardless, it is well-established that the government may enact "content-based restrictions on false or misleading commercial messages." This reinforces the importance of the (unresolved) threshold question: whether Plaintiffs' advertisements are commercial.

The State argues that the advertising provision is not viewpoint discriminatory because it simply closes a loophole. It states that Vermont's general consumer protection statute does not apply to LSPCs because they "usually provide their services for free." It therefore argues that the advertising provision was necessary to prevent LSPCs from engaging in deceptive advertising simply because they do not collect payment from clients. The Court is unwilling to credit this assertion at the motion todismiss phase, when it must draw all reasonable inferences in favor of Plaintiffs. Additionally, that argument is insufficient to defeat Plaintiffs' viewpoint discrimination claim: it still does not explain why the advertising provision applies solely to LSPCs instead of all clinics that do not charge for their services, which are presumably equally un-restricted by the Vermont consumer protection statute.

As you can tell from the opinion, the court isn't definitively opining on whether the law is constitutional; there is more left to be litigated here. There's a lot more to the opinion, including a discussion of the regulation that imposes various other (non-advertising-related) obligations on licensed health care providers who work at LSPCs; you can read it all here.

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Is Promotion of Free Services "Commercial Speech" for First Amendment Purposes? - Reason