Archive for the ‘First Amendment’ Category

Sending your child to college: Will it be one for free speech?

Will any of the 2016 presidential candidates mention the many colleges that widely censor students' free speech? Probably not. But at least a news analyst has followed the lead of FIRE (Foundation for Individual Rights in Education) in its essential crusade to bring an active First Amendment to college campuses.

An op-ed in last month's Wall Street Journal says:

"Soviet dissident Natan Sharansky famously postulated that the test of a free society is the ability to express opinions in the town square without fear of reprisal."

But dig this: "Most American colleges wouldn't pass that test, according to a new report by ... FIRE" ("Unfree Speech on Campus," The Wall Street Journal, Dec. 12).

The op-ed continues: "The foundation reports that 55 percent of the 437 colleges it surveyed (in 2014) maintain 'severely restrictive' policies that 'clearly and substantially prohibit protected speech.' They include 61 private schools and 180 public colleges.

"Incredibly, this represents progress from FIRE's survey seven years ago, when 75 percent of colleges maintained restrictive free speech codes."

If contempt for the First Amendment in much of American higher learning is to continue for another generation or more, what quality of emerging public officials and voters will we have?

But to show the liberation of expressive Americanism that has taken place, The Wall Street Journal emphasizes:

"Perhaps the biggest breakthrough for First Amendment advocates (in 2014) was a Virginia law that bars 'free-speech zones' on public campuses. As FIRE explains, free-speech zones are a common tool that administrators use to restrict demonstrations to remote areas of campus.

"Colorado Mesa University limits free speech to 'the concrete patio adjacent to the west door of the University Center.'"

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Sending your child to college: Will it be one for free speech?

Erwin Chemerinsky – Video


Erwin Chemerinsky
Law professor Erwin Chemerinsky - Champion of the First Amendment Presentation - The Vanishing Wall Separating Church and State 2014 FFRF #39;s National Convention Los Angeles.

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Erwin Chemerinsky - Video

Topic: The First Amendment made controlling all (voice) – Video


Topic: The First Amendment made controlling all (voice)
Listen today about new interesting topic - The First Amendment made controlling all. *---*---*---*---*---*---*---*---*---*--*---*---*---* Check out more exc...

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Topic: The First Amendment made controlling all (voice) - Video

There is no but in our First Amendment rights

Joseph Dobrian, Writers Group 9:51 a.m. CST January 7, 2015

Joseph Dobrian(Photo: Thomas Adam)

In the Press-Citizen, recently, appeared a letter from Iowa state Rep. Bobby Kaufmann, R-Wilton, in which he declared his intention to find a judge-proof way to criminalize desecration of the American flag. Many people agree with him, of course including, unfortunately, many elected officials but for the purposes of this article I'll regard him as the chief spokesman for that position.

In a single paragraph of that letter, Mr. Kaufmann parrots the three morally bankrupt pronouncements that his allies invariably bring to the argument. Then he tops it off with a coda so hypocritical and vainglorious that I literally turned my face away in disgust: "I value our First Amendment rights but just like you cannot shout 'fire' in a crowded movie theater, you should never, ever, be allowed to spit and stomp on our flag while protesting the funeral of someone who died fighting for our freedoms. count on me to fight with a fiery passion to defend the honor of our flag and our fallen soldiers."

No, Mr. Kaufmann: You do not "value our First Amendment rights." Manifestly, you despise them. A single word "but" reveals your contempt for them.

But nothing, Mr. Kaufmann. BUT NOTHING.

Our First Amendment does not exist to protect expressions that most people approve of. Such speech needs no protection. The laws exist, rather, to protect expressions we abominate: expressions that would be deeply offensive to most sensible people. Without the First Amendment, the rest of the U.S. Constitution doesn't much matter. And yet it's the most universally despised item in the Bill of Rights: constantly attacked from left and right.

When we stand up for the First Amendment, we're almost never supporting noble sentiments. Ninety-nine times out of 100, we're standing up for someone who's desecrating a flag or writing pornography about Jesus. Your position, sir, and the position of your allies, is identical to that of infantile liberals who want to suppress expressions that offend them. Same argument.

If anything, liberals are a little less hypocritical, since most of them are frank in their hatred of free speech and a free press. They make no pretense of respecting the First Amendment.

Don't insult our intelligence with that false equivalency about yelling "fire." The consequences of yelling "fire" if a stampede causes injuries or property damage, for example might be punishable. If no stampede ensues, the worst that will happen is that the fire-yeller will be escorted out. Arguably, that fire-yeller is creating a hazard, but in what way does the flag-spitter create a hazard?

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There is no but in our First Amendment rights

Supreme Court justice second-guesses decisive vote in gaming free speech case

Further Reading Back in 2011, the Supreme Court handed down a momentous decision enshrining video games as speech with full First Amendment protections, invalidating a number of attempts by states to ban sales and rentals of violent games to unaccompanied minors. But if one Justice had voted with her personal feelings rather than with her understanding of the law, things might have gone very differently.

Speaking at a forum hosted by Princeton University back in November, Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan called Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association the toughest case she'd ever been part of. Kagan responded to an audience question by saying that she is "not usually an agonizer," but in deciding this case she was "all over the map... Every day I woke up and I thought I would do a different thing or I was in the wrong place."

The problem, it seems, is that Kagan's personal feelings on the law conflicted with the direction the First Amendment and established legal precedent were pointing her decision. Speaking about the decision, Kagan halted numerous times to reassemble her thoughts, saying, "I have to say, everything in myit should be that you should not be ableif a parent doesn't want her kids to buy violent video games, that should be the parents'it should be that this law was OK, I guess is what I'm saying."

"But I could not figure how to make the First Amendment law work to make it OK," she continued. "It's clearly a content-based distinction [and] that's usually subject to the strictest scrutiny. There was no very good evidence, not of the kind one would normally need, that the viewing or playing of violent video games was harmful [to minors]. And so I just couldn't make it work under the First Amendment doctrine that we have and have had for a long time."

While seven justices ended up voting to overturn the law under discussion in California, Kagan was one of just five justices that voted to essentially pre-empt any future legislative attempts to restrict game sales. She said there was no clearly established state interest that satisfied the necessary "strict scrutiny" as a First Amendment matter.

In a narrower, concurrent opinion, Justices Alito and Roberts agreed that California's law was too vaguely worded to pass legal muster, but they seemed more open to the idea that a better-written law might serve a valid state interest in helping parents limit their children's access to harmful games."I certainly agree with the Court that the government has no 'free-floating power to restrict the ideas to which children may be exposed,'" Justice Alito wrote. "But the California law does not exercise such a power. If parents want their child to have a violent video game, the California law does not interfere with that parental prerogative."

Furthermore, Alito and Roberts seemed to think that there could be some reason to treat games as legally different from other works of speech. "There is certainly a reasonable basis for thinking that the experience of playing a video game may be quite different from the experience of reading a book, listening to a radio broadcast, or viewing a movie," Alito wrote. "And if this is so, then for at least some minors, the effects of playing violent video games may also be quite different."

If Kagan had voted based on what she says she felt "should be OK" rather than the state of the law, she could have easily joined with Alito and Roberts (along with Thomas and Breyer, who thought the California law was fine as is) in leaving the door open for future laws restricting game sales to minors. In that world, it's easy to see others states trying to succeed where California had failed, attempting to craft a law that was narrow and specific enough to pass muster for that slim majority of the court.

"I kept on going back and forth and back and forth, and we ended up being sort of 5-4 on that important issue," Kagan said during the Princeton forum. "I was in the five that said that the law should be invalidated. That is the one case where I kind of think I just don't know. I just don't know if that's right."

For all the success gaming has had in establishing its place as an art form and social force in recent years, it's worth remembering just how close the medium came to at least partially losing its most important legal victory in the US courts. Gamers would do well to remember and praise Justice Kagan's apparent decision to vote with her interpretation of free speech law rather than her personal feelings in this landmark case.

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Supreme Court justice second-guesses decisive vote in gaming free speech case