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The European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy have today adopted a Joint Communication proposing a forward- looking EU strategy for Syria. As called for by President Juncker in his State of the Union speech in September 2016, the Communication defines how the European Union can play a stronger role in contributing to a lasting political solution in Syria under the existing UN-agreed framework. It also looks at how the EU can continue its assistance to over 13 million people in need in Syria, help build resilience and stability in the country, and support post-agreement reconstruction and the voluntary, dignified and safe return of refugees and internally displaced persons once a credible political transition is underway.

The High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini said: "The Joint Communication adopted today strengthens not only our current engagement and support for a political solution to the war as the only way we can bring peace back to Syria, but also what the European Union could do in a post-agreement context in which reconstruction can start. And there is much the European Union is ready to do, together with the United Nations and the rest of the international community. The Syrians want peace, they deserve it, as they want and deserve to finally have the possibility to shape the future of their country. We are at their side to support the future of Syria."

As outlined in the Joint Communication, the European Union's engagement in Syria goes beyond the current state of play. It is defined by a longer term perspective in support of the EU's strategic goals on Syria. The Syrian people deserve a united, democratic, diverse, inclusive and territorially integral country. A stable, strong and secure Syria will be rebuilt provided that a political settlement in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2254 and the Geneva Communiqu is reached.

The Joint Communication comes at a crucial moment for Syria, as we mark the 6th year of the conflict and with the resumption of the UN-led talks in Geneva, supported by a ceasefire mechanism established as a result of the Astana talks. The Communication reiterates the European Union's direct support for the UN process, notably through ongoing political dialogue with regional actors under the EU regional initiative on the future of Syria and ongoing work to strengthen both the Syrian political opposition and civil society organisations.

The European Union will continue to be the first and leading donor in the international response to one of the worst humanitarian crises since World War II. Since the outbreak of the conflict, the EU has mobilised over 9.4 billion, providing life-saving humanitarian assistance and resilience support to the Syrian people and neighbouring countries hosting Syrian refugees.

The Joint Communication presents the current political, security and humanitarian context in Syria and the state of play of the EU's assistance in response to the Syria crisis. It contains an assesment of the risks and threats posed by the continuation of the war to the EU's core interests, regional and global stability, as well as the definition of a set of clear objectives for the EU's policy for Syria, which include:

As a next step, the Communication proposes clear lines of action to implement these objectives, in close coordination with regional partners and international organisations, and to continue the diplomatic work and post-agreement planning in order to ensure that international support is ready, coordinated and can be delivered effectively when the appropriate moment comes.

High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini will present the Joint Communication to EU Foreign Ministers at the Foreign Affairs Council on 3 April; it will also be presented to the European Parliament. The Communication will also serve as an important input for the Brussels Conference "Supporting the Future of Syria and the Region on 5 April 2017 that the EU will co-chair with the UN, Germany, Kuwait, Norway, Qatar and the United Kingdom.

Background

The European Union's last strategy on Syria was adopted in March 2015 as part of the EU Regional Strategy for Syria and Iraq as well as the ISIL/Da'esh threat. The Joint Communication represents the review of the Syria-related aspects of the Regional Strategy that was last reviewed and updated by the Council in May 2016.

In his 2016 State of the Union address, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said: "I call today for a European Strategy for Syria. So that Europe can help rebuild a peaceful Syrian nation and a pluralistic, tolerant civil society in Syria."

For more information

Joint Communication to the European Parliament and the Council: Elements for an EU Strategy for Syria

Factsheet: The EU and the crisis in Syria

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Towards an even stronger EU role for Syria, reinforcing EU efforts to build peace - EU News

(Business in Cameroon) - The city of Maroua hosted on 9 March 2017 the official launch of the Livestock Productivity Improvement Support Project (PAPE) in the Far North region of Cameroon.

With a duration of three years and costing a total of 890,000 Euros, the project is supported by the European Union to the tune of 800,000 Euros (over FCfa 500 million). PAPE comes as a response to the numerous problems faced by the agricultural and livestock systems in northern Cameroon. It is meant to strengthen the capacity of the players in the sector to improve the productivity in livestock activity, boost availability, access and the smooth and inclusive management of livestock resources and infrastructure. PAPA will moreover facilitate the rehabilitation of livestock markets and promote governance in the livestock trading system.

Through this support, the EU expresses the importance it attributes to the development of rural areas in general, and in particular, to the recovery of the economy in the Far North, a region which, these past years, has been experiencing a slowdown in the agricultural and livestock activities, declared the Chief-Ambassador of the European Union delegation in Cameroon, Franoise Collet.

S.A

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The European Union supports agricultural and livestock activities in the Far North region of Cameroon - Business in Cameroon

Ankara [Turkey]: A group representing Rohingya in Europe has called on the European Union to support a United Nation (UN)-led investigation into "Myanmar's Crimes against Rohingya."

The European Rohingya Council (ERC) said in a statement it was "deeply shocked and extremely concerned" about the EU's decision not to support the UN investigation, reports the Anadolu News Agency.

It was reported earlier last month that the EU decided not to back up the international investigation sought by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein.

The fresh wave of violence and subsequent reprisals against the civilian population began last year mid October after insurgents, believed to be mostly from the Rohingya minority, attacked Myanmar border posts on October 9, killing nine police officers there.

"The EU's backing up of the military formed Commission of Inquiry to investigate the very crimes the military has been committing is completely shocking. This irresponsible stand of the EU will be a green light for the Myanmar armed forces to further commit atrocities against Rohingya," the ERC said in its statement.

"We strongly urge the EU to reverse its decision, and to support the U.N. led the international investigation of the crimes against Rohingya perpetrated by Myanmar armed forces in Northern Arakan," the statement added.

It said that Myanmar does not allow international media into the affected area in Rakhine State and will not cooperate with a UN probe into the killings, rape and mass arrests of Rohingya is proof of the government's humanitarian crimes.

The statment suggested that "only an independent UN-led international investigation of Myanmar's abuse against Rohingya can reveal the crimes against Rohingya," that could help end "Myanmar's state-sponsored institutionalized persecution of Rohingya community."

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Rohingya group urges European Union support for probe into 'Myanmar's Crimes against Rohingya' - Zee News

The case follows on from the Commissions Animal Feed Phosphates cartel decision pursuant to which fines totalling 176 million were imposed on a number of producers of animal feed for price fixing and market sharing throughout the EEA.

During the investigation into the infringement, all the companies involved engaged in settlement discussions with the Commission with a view to obtaining a 10 percent reduction in the fine that would otherwise have been imposed had they not settled with the Commission. However, during the settlement process Timab, a subsidiary of the Roullier Group, decided to withdraw from the settlement procedure. The Commission therefore followed the standard administrative infringement procedure against Timab despite the fact that it had entered into settlements with the other companies involved in the cartel. This was the first time, therefore, that the Commission rendered a decision in a so-called hybrid case i.e. where some parties settle but others do not.

During the initial settlement discussions, several meetings were held between the Commission and Timab, during which evidence of the infringement was discussed. On the basis of the evidence available, the Commission informed Timab that a fine in the range of 41 to 44 million would be imposed on it. However, in its final decision of 20 July 2010, the Commission levied a fine of nearly 60 million on Timab.

Timab challenged the Commissions decision before the General Court of the European Union (GCEU) in case T-456/10, claiming that the Commission had infringed its legitimate expectations regarding the amount of the fine, on the one hand, and its right not to incriminate itself, on the other. Such challenge was unsuccessful, however.

On appeal to the CJEU, the Commissions decision and the GCEUs ruling were upheld in their entirety (judgment of 12 January 2017). The CJEU made it clear that the Commission was not bound by the range of fines it had first proposed to Timab during the settlement procedure since, at that time, the Commission had relied on tools specific to this procedure. The CJEU held that outside of the settlement procedure, the Commission is only bound by the contents of its statement of objections which does not set forth a range of fines. Consequently, Timab could not have a legitimate expectation that the range of fines proposed by the Commission during the settlement process would be imposed on it. In addition, the CJEU stated that once Timab had withdrawn from the settlement procedure, the Commission was free to rely on new elements of evidence unearthed during the standard investigation procedure to set the amount of the fine. This was justified by the fact that the settlement procedure and the standard investigation procedure are independent and separate from one another.

At the same time, however, while the settlement and standard investigation procedures are to be considered as independent of one another, the CJEU ruled that the Commission could refer to admissions made by Timab during the settlement procedure without breaching Timabs right not to incriminate itself. Specifically, the CJEU recalled that while the Commission cannot compel a company to admit its participation in an infringement, it is not prevented from taking into account, when setting the amount of the fine in the standard procedure, the assistance provided voluntarily by that company to establish the existence of the infringement.

The CJEU therefore confirmed that the Commission has a considerable margin of discretion to revise a proposed fine upwards concerning companies that have withdrawn from a settlement procedure. Therefore, when contemplating whether to engage in settlement talks with the Commission, companies should carefully assess their exposure to fines under both the settlement and standard procedures. They should furthermore take into account the fact that prior admissions made during a settlement procedure may affect their defence in the standard procedure.

Juliette Lehucher contributed to this post.

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The Court of Justice of the European Union Confirms the ... - The National Law Review

EU leaders meet today and Friday for their last summit before the United Kingdom is anticipated to trigger Article 50 later this month, setting off formal exit negotiations. The two-day session will include focus on a new white paper launched last week by European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker on the future of Europe by 2025.

For while massive attention has focused on the impact of last Junes Brexit referendum for the United Kingdom, how the bloc itself changes will probably prove the more important, but the most overlooked, outcome of the vote. To this end, Junckers paper outlines five main scenarios for how the EU could evolve with a view to shaping debate and finalising a vision for the future that can potentially see the continent emerge from the current political and economic storm engulfing it.

The scenarios range from the EU retreating to no more than the current economic Single Market which seeks to guarantee freedom of movement of goods, capital, services and people. At the other end of the spectrum, however, is a quite different future where the remaining 27 member states decide to do much more together, reigniting European integration.

Brexit, Budget and Donald Trump: PM's Brussels talk in 60 seconds

Of the 5 scenarios, Carrying on is perhaps the most likely to be realised. This would see the EU muddling through from where it is today and seeking to deliver on the Bratislava Declaration agreed by all 27 non-UK member states last year. This manifesto includes better tackling migration and border security, beefing up external security and defence, and greater stress on enhancing economic and social development, especially for young people across the continent who have been badly impacted by the fall-out from 2008-09 international financial crisis, not least in countries like Spain and Greece.

However, even that middle range future is by no means certain in the current economic and political context. Further setbacks in coming years would instead see either a Nothing but the Single Market or Doing less more efficiently scenario come to pass. In either of these futures, the current scale of EU functions would be rolled back with attention and limited resources focused instead more on a smaller number of policy areas, including the Single Market.

Based on current trends, perhaps the least likely scenario to be realised by 2025 is Doing much more together. This would see all 27 remaining states sharing more power, resources, with decisions agreed faster and enforced much more quickly.

More possible, however, is the Those who want to do more scenario which would see more coalitions of the willing emerging in select policy areas to take forward the integration agenda on a flexible, rather than across-the-board basis. A model here could be the Eurozone where some 19 of the current 28 EU members have decided to enter into a monetary union with the euro as the single currency.

Despite the detail in the approximately 30 page white paper, the worst-case scenario of the bloc imploding is not included as a distinctive future for the EU. Nonetheless, given the build-up of challenges now facing the union which go well beyond Brexit this outcome cannot now be dismissed in the period before 2025.

Indeed, some 60 years after the Treaty of Rome, which was one of the EUs founding treaties, European Council President Donald Tusk said last month that the threats facing the EU are now more dangerous than ever. He identified three key challenges which have previously not occurred, at least not on such a scale that the EU must tackle.

The first two dangers relate to the rise of anti-EU, nationalist sentiment across the continent, plus the state of mind of pro-European elites which Tusk fears are now too subservient to populist arguments as well as doubting in the fundamental values if liberal democracy. The EU chief is conscious here that, following Brexit, and US President Donald Trumps election, it is continental Europe which will provide a lodestar in 2017 for whether right-wing populism will continue to find fertile electoral ground.

In elections in countries beginning with the Netherlands next week, where polls indicate the far-right Freedom Party could emerge as the largest single party, left-wing and centrist parties are under pressure from insurgency parties championing euroskeptical, anti-immigrant platforms. It is France, however, which alongside Germany has traditionally been the twin-engine of EU integration, which will be the key election to watch in the continent.

The reason is the far right, National Front candidacy of Marine Le Pen who has called for closer ties with Russia, questioned the need for Nato in the 21st century, and called for a French referendum on the countrys EU membership. While she is not currently the favourite to win, she stands a realistic shot of getting to the second-round run-off election in May and Tusk and other EU leaders are well aware that if she pulls off an upset victory, it would be an even more savage blow to the bloc than Brexit, not least given Frances membership of the Eurozone.

The third threat cited by Tusk, this time external to the EU, is what he calls the new geopolitical reality that has witnessed an increasing assertive Russia and China, and instability in the Middle East and Africa which has driven the migration crisis impacting Europe. Intensifying this is the new uncertainty coming from Washington with Trump questioning much of the post-war tenets of US foreign policy, including broad-based support for European integration.

Taken overall, Junckers paper underlines that debate over Europes future will intensify as the formal Brexit talks between the EU and United Kingdom commence. Many leaders are scrambling to come to terms with intensifying internal and external challenges, and their decisions in coming months will define the longer-term economic and political character of the bloc in the face of what could yet become, collectively, an existential threat to the unions future.

Andrew Hammond is an Associate at LSE IDEAS at the London School of Economics

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These are the five possible futures faced by the crisis ridden European Union - The Independent