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BRUSSELS The European Union spent 20 million euros last year in Eritrea, hoping to help stem an exodus from the repressive African country, which is consistently one of its biggest sources of asylum seekers.

The money,about $22 million, bought equipment and materials to build a road, a seemingly uncontroversial task. The catch? Many workers on the construction site are forced conscripts, and the European Union has no real means of monitoring the project.

The decision caused outrage in human-rights circles. But that did not stop the bloc in December from deciding to give Eritrea tens of millions more, funding a system of forced conscription that the United Nations has described as tantamount to enslavement.

The additional aid, of 95 million, has not been previously reported, and is a jarring example of the quandary facing the European Union as it scrambles to drastically curb migration.

When it comes to Eritrea, a closed nation of about five million people in the Horn of Africa, the bloc has little real oversight of the projects it is funding, and it has decided not to make its aid conditional on guarantees of democratic reforms.

The money is part of a 4.6 billion European Union Trust Fund for Africa, a special fund created at the height of the refugee crisis in 2015 to address the root causes of migration.

While that plan is supported by a broad consensus, its execution has tarnished what many see as a worthy goal, even raising questions of whether it has become counterproductive.

The flow of asylum seekers out of Eritrea remains consistently high. At least 5,000 Eritreans have sought asylum in Europe every year in the past decade. In 2015 and 2016, the number peaked at over 30,000, and last year it was more than 10,000.

At least 80 percent of the requests were successful, according to Eurostat, the European Union statistics agency, meaning that European countries overwhelmingly consider Eritreans legitimate refugees.

European officials and migration experts believe that Eritreans will continue to arrive in the thousands, even as overall numbers of new migrants drop from mid-decade highs.

That drop is more to do with a crackdown at Europes Mediterranean borders, through agreements with Turkey and Libya, than with funding to Africa or the Middle East.

The European Union trust fund is a long-term approach, even as it has become an immediate part of the blocs thickening forward defense against migration as it tries to address it at its source in Africa.

Its endowment is being spent across the continent, with special focus on the countries that send the highest numbers of asylum seekers to Europe.

Since the trust was declared emergency funding, it is not subject to the stringent procurement and oversight demands that normally accompany European Union spending.

When it comes to Eritrea, European officials have switched to what they call a dual-track approach talking with the government while also giving it money, irrespective of outcomes.

In all, 200 million from the fund is earmarked for Eritrea. The hope is that the money will help lift the local economy, create jobs, keep Eritreans at home and cement the peace agreement with its erstwhile enemy Ethiopia that was reached in mid-2018.

Overlooked or ignored in the calculation, the European Unions critics say, is the appalling record of an Eritrean government that is considered one of the worlds worst human-rights abusers.

After a 30-year guerrilla war, Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1991. The two sides went to war again over their border, from 1998 to 2000, after Ethiopia refused to abide by an international ruling. Eritreas rebel-leader-turned-president, Isaias Afwerki, has maintained a state of emergency ever since.

As part of that state of emergency, a National Service program of mandatory, universal and indefinite conscription has remained in place, even after the 2018 peace agreement, a breakthrough that won Ethiopias leader the Nobel Peace Prize.

Despite the peace agreement with Ethiopia, the human rights situation in Eritrea remains dire, said Laetitia Bader, who covers the country and broader region for Human Rights Watch. The government continues to conscript much of its population into indefinite national service and hold scores of political detainees in inhumane conditions.

Eritreans are trapped within this system, and the country, since an exit visa is required to leave. Many remain conscripted into their 40s, doing civilian or military jobs for little pay.

Human-rights groups and the United Nations say that conscript work in Eritrea, which keeps the country running, amounts to forced labor. The United States has long suspended aid and development funding to the country.

The European Commission, the European Unions executive branch, said that it had been informed by the government that conscripts would be used for its road project.

The details of how this project is set up show that it has been carefully designed to ensure that the European Union is not seen to be directly paying for conscripts to work on the construction site.

The E.U. does not pay for labor under this project, the European Commission said in written replies to questions from The New York Times. The project only covers the procurement of material and equipment to support the rehabilitation of roads.

The Commission, which has contracted the United Nations Office for Project Services to manage the project on its behalf, said that both it and the United Nations agency paid particular attention to ensuring that minimum standards for health and safety of the workers involved in the road rehabilitation sites are ensured.

But the agency does not have an office in Eritrea and says it is checking on the project through visits organized by the Eritrean government.

In response to questions, it said that it was not monitoring the work either, but rather that the Eritrean government was monitoring itself. The agency is not monitoring the implementation of the project, a spokesperson said. The project is carried out by the government and progress is monitored by the Ministry of Public Works.

Asked how many conscripts worked on the project and what their salaries were, the agency said it did not have access to this information contradicting what the Commission has said about the level of detail provided to the agency.

Asked whether it saw a problem with facilitating a project that engages conscript labor in Eritrea, a practice denounced by other United Nations branches, the agency said that it respects core U.N. principles, including the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor, but decided to proceed anyway.

The European Unions change in approach to Eritrea is part of a broader coming in from the cold for the country, as world powers take an interest in the geopolitically crucial Horn of Africa and Eritreas long coastline along the Red Sea.

The United Arab Emirates in recent years set up a huge base on the Eritrean coast to support its war effort in Yemen directly across the water. The Red Sea is also a critical passage for ships carrying goods and oil to Europe through the Suez Canal.

Officials involved in shaping Europes Eritrea policy said that the bloc did not want to be left out of that unfolding game, which has become more active since the peace with Ethiopia and the subsequent lifting of longstanding United Nations sanctions against Eritrea over its links to regional armed groups.

The rapprochement with Ethiopia and removal of U.N. sanctions allow the E.U. to try to foster development of Eritreas moribund economy and coax the government away from its repressive ways through engagement and patience, said William Davison of the International Crisis Group, a research organization.

Mr. Afwerki has been remarkably successful in keeping control of the country without compromising or heeding calls to change.

Recently, however, the government has indicated that the National Service could be incrementally reduced once enough jobs open up to absorb the conscripts.

The European Union said it disapproved of Eritreas national service policy, despite the conscripts use of European-funded tools.

The E.U. does not support indefinite national service in Eritrea and continues to push for reform to the national service through its reinforced political dialogue with the government, the European Commission said.

Human rights, it added, are at the core of all of the E.U.s external actions.

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How Forced Labor in Eritrea Is Linked to E.U.-Funded Projects - The New York Times

Today the President of the European Council, Charles Michel, together with High Representative Josep Borrell, have met with Fayez al-Sarraj, Chairman of the Presidency Council of the Government of National Accord of the State of Libya, upon his arrival in Brussels.

President Michel expressed concerns about the worrying military escalations in Libya. He underlined that there is no military solution to the Libyan crisis, only a political process can bring peace and stability closer. Libyans should be at the heart of defining their own future. The European Union will step up efforts towards a peaceful and political solution. The European Union fully supports the Berlin process and all UN initiatives aimed at finding a comprehensive political solution to the crisis in Libya. High Representative Borrell reiterated the importance of creating the right conditions ahead of future steps as discussed during the ministerial meeting that took place yesterday.

President Michel raised the recent Turkey-Libya Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on the delimitation of maritime jurisdictions in the Mediterranean Sea and expressed the European Union's position that the MOU infringes upon the sovereign rights of third States and does not comply with the Law of the Sea and cannot produce any legal consequences for third States.

President of the European Council Charles Michel also clearly condemned the recent attacks in Libya, in particular the strike against the military school in Tripoli and the attack on the Sirte airport. He also reiterated that the European Union has always and consistently supported the Government of National Accord as the legitimate government of Libya and that the EU stands ready to provide all possible support to the political process.

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The European Union will step up efforts towards a peaceful and political solution in Libya - EU News

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Joint Statement by the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission and the High Representative on the passing of...

Heres how to immediately repair the relationship.

The transatlantic relationship has suffered a series of near-fatal blows in recent years. President Trump has openly questioned Americas Article 5 commitment to defend any attacked NATO member, dubbed the European Union a foe, and repeatedly disparaged some of Americas closest alliesfor example, calling Germany captive to Russia. The people of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. France and Germany, instead of joining forces to chart a future course for the European project, have spent years trapped between President Emmanuel Macrons unbridled desire to lead a more assertive Europe and Chancellor Angela Merkels caution and paralysis.

Meanwhile, Russia and other adversaries have become increasingly creative in finding ways to undermine transatlantic unity and resolve. And populist forces on both sides of the Atlantic are bringing new leaders to power who lack an interest in or exposure to Europe and Americas shared history and values. While it would be premature to issue last rites to the transatlantic relationship, theres no question that it is ailing.The next U.S. president will need to revitalize this critical partnershipit serves far too many of Americas political, economic, and security interests to allow it to deteriorate further. Over the last 70 years, the United States and Europe have established the rules-based order through an array of multilateral institutions and alliances, from NATO to the United Nations, that have protected and promoted shared values. We have, at different times, tackled global challenges ranging from Ebola to climate change to Irans nuclear ambitions. While the U.S. brings the most military assets to the alliance, Europes contribution is substantial; its economic might is hefty; and it invests disproportionately in diplomacy, humanitarian assistance, and other forms of soft power.Breathing fresh life into the relationship wont be easy. Electing an American president who refrains from name calling, supports the rules-based order, and brings stability to the alliance would be a good start. But that wont be enough to put the transatlantic partnership on a more sustainable and constructive course and restore Americas credibility.

There are certain steps, however, a new president could take to begin the rebuilding process. In the first 100 days, he or she should travel to Germanythe country that has been perhaps most relentlessly and unfairly criticized by Trumpand deliver a public address. The normal framing for such a speech is to tick off all the ways in which the two sides of the Atlantic can create a shared agenda. This speech needs to be different. Instead of promising cooperation, the president should redefine the transatlantic agenda around the concept of defending democratic values given the surge in authoritarianism globally. The target audience would be both Europe, which is experiencing its own illiberal slide, and China, which is increasingly brazen in its efforts to promote its political model and values.

In the longer term, the new U.S. president will need to focus on two separate tracks. The first involves fortifying the traditional building blocks of the transatlantic relationship. Inside NATO, that means issuing a promise to uphold our Article 5 commitments and bring fresh ideas to the table, such as a joint NATO-EU summitthe first of its kind. In addition, the new president will need to reassure Europeans that he or she doesnt see the EU as an enemy but as a partner.

At least some Europeans will listen to such statements with skepticism. Many Americans will too. It wasnt that long ago when President Obamaa president most Europeans adoredtried to negotiate an ambitious trade deal, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, with the EU. They never got there. Convincing both Europeans and Americans to give it another go will be challenging. Instead of opening a new front, the next president will need to arrest the deteriorating U.S.-EU trade relationship and stop the tariff wars both sides have been waging for the last few years. In doing so, the new U.S. president should remind Americans and Europeans that one of the best ways for Europe and the United States to compete with a rising China and to set global standards is to strengthen their collective hand.

Thats not to say the next administration should focus only on repairing existing damage and preventing future blows. It will also have to think about preparing transatlantic partners for the future. The president should discuss how mass migration will shape our shared agenda, future elections, and economies. He or she should explore if we need new institutions to thwart attempts to undermine our democracies, and how Europe and the United States can both harness and manage a wide array of disruptive technologies like artificial intelligence.But thats a long list, especially for a president who will be consumed with an equally long list of pressing domestic priorities. Europe will have to assist. Now would be a good time for European leaders to start thinking about where they are willing to lead and how they can help. The American people may very well put a president in the Oval Office who wants to rejoin the Paris Climate Accords and try to salvage the Iran nuclear deal, two decisions that Europeans would no doubt celebrate. But that same president will also likely ask our European allies to commit more to defense spending and to stand up to China. Europe should be prepared.When Democrats talk about revitalizing the transatlantic relationship, they arent talking about returning to the pre-Trump era. They are looking to rebalance the relationship for a new era. Lets hope were all up to thatchallenge.

If you enjoyed this article, consider making a donation to help us produce more like it. The Washington Monthly was founded in 1969 to tell the stories of how government really worksand how to make it work better. Fifty years later, the need for incisive analysis and new, progressive policy ideas is clearer than ever. As a nonprofit, we rely on support from readers like you.

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What the Next President Can Do to Save Our Alliances with Europe - Washington Monthly

NewsPoliticsBrexitExclusive: Ministers are preparing celebrations for 31 January but are wary of alienating Remainers

Sunday, 12th January 2020, 8:30 pm

The Government is set to encourage councils and community groups to fly the Union flag to celebrate Brexit on 31 January.

Ministers are preparing a package of announcements to mark the moment Britain leaves the EU at the end of this month, which could include a commemorative coin and Big Ben ringing out.

One of the items is likely to be a fund from the Ministry for Housing, Communities and Local Government to help local councils and other groups buy and display the Union flag, i understands. A Westminster source said: "It's prompted by Brexit but is also meant to celebrate national identity more broadly."

The i politics newsletter cut through the noise

The move has been promoted by senior Tory backbencher Sir John Hayes, who said in the House of Commons last week that flying the UK flag from public buildings "would be a fitting tribute to the decision the British people made to leave the European Union". Brexit Secretary Steve Barclay replied: "Any opportunity to do so is one that he and I would always celebrate."

Big Ben bongs

Strident Brexiteer Mark Francois is leading efforts to get the bell restarted. Commons Speaker Lindsay Hoyle has said he would back the scheme as long as MPs voted in favour, while pro-Brexit businessman Lord Ashcroft has offered to foot the 120,000 cost.

A Downing Street spokesman insisted that no final decisions had been made on how 31 January will be marked. Some in the Government are nervous about holding too many flashy events in case it alienates people who voted Remain.

Brexit celebration

Nigel Farage is backing a "Brexit Celebration" event hosted by Leave Means Leave in Parliament Square which is expected to attract thousands of supporters and will feature speechs by senior Brexiteers.

The original date on which Britain was scheduled to leave the EU, 29 March 2019, saw two rallies outside the House of Parliament - one featuring mainstream politicians and the other organised by the far right and starring Tommy Robinson, which ended up with clashes between police and protesters.

Commemorative coins

The Treasury is expected to announce it will mint a commemorative coin to mark 31 January. It would be the third time the Royal Mint, overseen by the Chancellor, has announced a special Brexit coin.

First Philip Hammond promised a souvenir 10 coin, with 10,000 copies due to be minted in time for 29 March before the first delay to Brexit.

Next his predecessor Sajid Javid ordered the Mint to work on a 50p piece to go into mass circulation, bearing the motto "Peace, prosperity and friendship with all nations" alongside the revised Brexit date of 31 October.

After Britain's departure was postponed again, thousands of the coins had to be melted down - any which survived would be hugely valuable to collectors. Some Brexit supporters have called on the Royal Mail to follow suit by producing a set of commemorative stamps, but the company has refused.

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Brexit Day celebrations to include flying Union flag from buildings and Big Ben bonging the moment UK leaves EU - inews