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London: A senior British official said Sunday the door is "still ajar" for post-Brexit talks to continue with the European Union if officials in the bloc change their position on key points. Michael Gove's comments came after Prime Minister Boris Johnson's spokesman said Friday that the trade talks are "over" unless there is a "fundamental" change of position from the EU. With just weeks to go until the end-of-year deadline, Johnson said the U.K. needed to get ready for leaving the EU with no trade deal.

But Gove on Sunday left room for talks to agree on a deal so that the U.K. can avoid the high trade tariffs it faces from Dec. 31, when the transition period ends.

He accused EU officials of not being serious about making compromises, and said they would have to back down if chief EU negotiator Michel Barnier is to resume negotiations in London this week.

"We're certainly not saying that if they do change their position we can't talk to them," he told the BBC.

Britain officially left the EU on Jan 31, but remains part of its economic structures until Dec 31. The two sides have been trying to strike a deal on trade and other relations before then, but months of talks have been stalled on the issue of fishing and rules to ensure fair competition.

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UK minister: Door 'still ajar' for post-Brexit talks with European Union - Economic Times

ATLANTA Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger met with diplomats and representatives from the European Union Consular Corps based in Atlanta to discuss elections in Georgia. The meeting was coordinated by the Georgia Department of Economic Development and was a diplomatic exchange that increased ties between Georgia and democratic partner nations in the European Union.

Meeting with members of Atlantas European Union diplomatic contingent provided a chance for my office to explain American democracy to our friends and partners abroad, increasing ties and building important relationships, Raffensperger said in a news release. Discussions like these are key to ensuring free flow of ideas and best practices between us and our fellow democracies around the world.

Georgias Consular Corps plays a critical role in our states international economic development efforts, Georgia Department of Economic Development Commissioner Pat Wilson said. Our team collaborates with our international partners to ensure open communications on a daily basis, and we sincerely appreciate the time Secretary Raffensperger took to help us further deepen these relationships.

Raffensperger sat down with representatives from five EU nations to discuss how elections in Georgia work and to answer questions from the diplomats about the election process. During the meeting, the secretary of state lauded the good work of Georgias local elections workers and explained the important role they play in successfully executing elections in the state. During the discussion, the EU consular officials compared and contrasted the elections process in their own countries, asking questions both about the elections infrastructure and the American cultural and historical points that shaped them. The meeting lasted an hour.

Heike Fuller, Consul General, Germany and current chair of EU Consuls General;

Michel Gerebtzoff, Consul General, Belgium;

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Ciara OFloinn, Consul General, Ireland;

Esther Smith, Senior Economic Officer, The Netherlands;

Emily Rives, Executive Assistant to the Consul General, France;

Abby Turano, Deputy Commissioner of Marketing, Communications, and International Engagement, GDEcD;

Nico Wijnberg, Director of International Relations and Chief of Protocol, GDEcD;

Coryn Marsik, International Relations Manager, GDEcD.

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European Union officials briefed on American elections | News - The Albany Herald

In much media coverage of Brexit Britain is cast as perfidious and deluded, and the EU as moderate and pragmatic. Britains post-Brexit future is seen as dim. But a realistic analysis would look first at the EU, and how its irrational and obsolete Eutopianism is threatened by the new challenges of the contemporary world. The real question is how long Eutopianism can survive in the absence of democratic legitimacy.

Much of the public debate over Brexit has perhaps understandably focused on Britains fortunes now that we have left the EU, and what we might face once the transitional period has come to an end. Will there be a deal between Brussels and London? How will we conduct our diplomacy? How will we trade and relate to the rest of the world? Will we succumb to autarky and isolation, or can we improve on our connections with the outside world? The notion of sovereign autonomy has frequently been derided as a mirage in a world of highly interdependent economies. In much of the financial press and liberal media, scepticism over Britains future is rampant. This is evident in much of the British coverage of negotiations with the EU, in which the EU is always cast as moderate, restrained, reasonable and pragmatic, while Britain is frequently cast as perfidious, irrational, unrestrained and undependable.

Given how frequently this picture is skewed, it is worth looking at events through the other end of the telescope. Instead of thinking about Britains future outside the EU, we should also reflect on Brexit by considering the future of the EU. How will this Cold War artefact of the twentieth century, boosted into supranationalism in the flush of optimism following the end of the Cold War, adapt to the world of the twenty-first century, with its new geopolitical rivalries? Doubtless there is much idealism, hope and perhaps even naivety in Britain over the challenges of a post-Brexit future. If this is true of Britain, it would be fair to say that it is at least if not more true of the EU. Idealism, naivety and magical thinking occludes rational and sober discussion of the EU and especially of the Eurozone at least as much as Brexit. In my recent book on the crisis of liberal international order, I call this particularly virulent strain of magical thinking that attaches itself to the EU Eutopianism. Eutopian thinking is far more important to sustaining the EU than any ideology libertarian or nationalist is to Brexit. Without the Eutopian belief in a harmonious future in which the interests of all the EUs member-states magically converge, the EU is a paltry and ramshackle thing. How else can we explain the belief in a monetary union without fiscal union, without recourse to magical thinking?

Consider how Eutopian thinking beguiles its believers. Eutopians will insist that Brexit means autarky, poverty, isolation and insular imprisonment, at the same time as they commit to a view of supranationalism that is itself an afterglow of the era of liberal globalisation that is rapidly receding into history, and whose passing will be accelerated by the Covid-19 pandemic. To cling to this 1990s vision of economic globalisation that necessitates a superstructure of post-national politics is to cling to a fantasy. Or consider the contrast in political vision. Eutopians have frequently derided Brexit as an empty process, absent of political goals and substantive vision, puffed up with the vain conceits of Global Britain. Yet the same question can be turned on the EU what is its end-point, its telos? Securing political sovereignty and seeking autonomy through Brexit is precisely that seeking the possibility of an open-ended process of national self-government that grants us the capacity to make and remake our political and social life as we choose, rather than having it suspended in ossified supranational structures. By contrast the EU is, by its nature, a post-sovereign political system it cannot claim a future of political autonomy for itself because there is no single actor at its core to claim it, and it is in any case based on rejecting sovereignty.

Although it continues to exercise many Brexiters, the truth is that EU federalism is a spent force, and in its place there is little more than a series of inter-governmental bargains propped up by Eutopian illusion. If ever there was a time to propel the EU towards fiscal and political unity to complement monetary union, by rights it should have been the financial crisis that has roiled the EU since 2015. The fact that no such vision materialised and the EU plumped for a punishing regime of austerity instead, exposes the delusional character of Eutopianism. Yet despite the evidence to the contrary, Eutopians continue to believe that the EU will eventually pull itself out of the swamp by its own hair, like the fairytale Baron Munchausen. The froth over the EUs so-called Hamiltonian moment, the agreement for partial mutualisation of the EUs debt earlier this year (supposedly analogous to the nationalisation of the US debt under Alexander Hamilton in 1791), exposes further the emptiness of Eutopian hopes: invoking Alexander Hamilton in the battered Eurozone of 2020 is to flee a troubled present by seeking refuge in an imagined, providential future.

At the core of Eutopian hopes is the belief in a liberal harmony of interests the view that political disagreement and competition over power is temporary friction that can be overcome through greater institutionalised cooperation. From this imagined vantage point, we are always transitioning to a deferred future in which all national interests ultimately align and intertwine. Yet the closer we get to the Eutopian horizon, the further it recedes in the distance. If Brexit is based on idealism, it is an idealism rooted in democratic majoritarianism. By contrast Eutopianism thrives in the absence of democracy. The fragile harmony of interests that European leaders have constructed in the form of the EU is essentially a network of inter-elite agreement; it only lasts as long as mass democracy is kept at bay. Doubtless Brexit Britain will be sorely tested in years to come. But when considering the future of Brexit Britain and the future of the EU, the right question to ask is, how long can Eutopianism survive in the absence of democratic legitimacy?

Philip Cunliffe is Senior Lecturer in International Conflict at the University of Kent. He is author most recently of The New Twenty Years Crisis 1999-2019: A critique of contemporary international relations (McGill-Queens University Press, 2020).

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Eutopianism and the Future of the European Union - Briefings For Britain - Briefings For Brexit

News2020.10.18 11:42

The EU will help the country financially if the Belarusian people win the struggle for the right to choose and live in a state governed by the rule of law. The declaration of support for Belarus was given by the Lawrence Meredith, the head of the Eastern Neighborhood Department at the European Commission.

The EU remains committed to finding a way out of the crisis in Belarus. () EU will provide Belarus with significant economic support in case of victory of the Belarusian people, stated the European politician on October 17.

Under this scenario a new agreement will be signed providing access to financing from the International Monetary Fund and financial assistance from the EU, which Belarus headed by Lukashenka cannot count on.

We are all ready to offer such support as soon as there is a transition to democratic Belarus. Our absolute priority is to support the democratization of Belarus, Meredith said.

At present, a package and system of EU assistance to civil society in Belarus, to young people, to independent media, but not to state structures, is being formed.

Belsat.eu

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After the victory, the European Union will provide Belarus with - Belsat

India and the European Union are natural partners in the quest for environmental sustainability, climate change mitigation, and green growth and development, writes Santosh Jha.

Santosh Jha is Ambassador ofIndiato the EU, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

As the world recovers from the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, economic and supply chain restructuring, resilience and diversification are clear priorities. Underlying this is the imperative of green growth. Industrial and technological investments we make must be ecologically sustainable and contribute to the battle against global warming.

In this context, Indias sustained adherence to its COP 21 Paris Climate Agreement commitments offers opportunity. India is the first major country attempting industrialisation and large-scale urbanisation while also reducing intensity of dependence on fossil fuels. In Paris in 2015 it promised to reduce the greenhouse gas emission intensity of its GDP by 33-35% (below 2005 levels) by 2030. It also pledged to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to three billion tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent through added forest and tree cover.

Even before Prime Minister Narendra Modi travelled to Paris, he had raised the bar for Indias climate ambitions. In 2014 India enhanced its renewable energy target to 175 GW by 2022. Actual achievement is likely to be as high as 225 GW. By 2030 India will be generating 450 GW of renewable energy. By that year India is committed to reaching 40% of installed electricity capacity from non-fossil fuel sources. In reality, this will easily cross 50%.

India is in the midst of an afforestation programme of unusual magnitude. As per the India State of the Forest Report: 2019, the area under forest and tree cover went up by over 16,000 square km in the previous five years. To put that figure in context, it is equivalent to more than half the territory of Belgium. Few countries have shown such consistent gains in expanding forest cover. When the ongoing programme is completed, India would have planted 1.25 billion additional trees, especially alongside national highways that are under construction or expansion.

A green, climate-friendly emphasis has been a feature of several of the Modi governments flagship developmental initiatives. These range from Namami Gange, the cleaning and basin-wide rejuvenation of the river Ganga, to the Jal Jeevan Mission, aimed at universalising drinking water access and linking this to the conservation as well as efficient and sustainable use of water sources. By 2021 India would have abolished single-use plastics.

Our country has also undertaken the worlds largest programme of switching to energy-saving LED bulbs. Through a mix of direct interventions and subsidies, the government has replaced close to 370 million conventional bulbs with LED bulbs. This has reduced carbon dioxide emissions by 39 million tonnes a year.

From 1 April 2020, all cars sold in India conform to Bharat Stage VI (the equivalent of Euro VI) fuel standards. Notwithstanding the formidable logistics, India leapfrogged from Euro IV to Euro VI fuel standards in a determined, once-in-a-generation attempt to address automobile pollution. In parallel, electrical vehicle adoption is being incentivised with tax concessions and ramping up charging infrastructure.

India is hoping to become the first big world power where all cars on its roads are electric, as part of its efforts to combat severe atmospheric pollution. 1.8 million deaths are caused by it every year on the subcontinent. EURACTIVs partner Italia Oggi reports.

Indias domestic emphasis has been mirrored by its external efforts. The Modi government is among the strongest international advocates of renewable energy. Co-founded by India and France, the International Solar Alliance held its inaugural conference in New Delhi in 2018. The Alliance has expanded to some 90 countries, including small island nations and those in the Global South that are vulnerable to climate change. It is working to facilitate finance and technology that expands use of affordable solar power. Such an approach flows from a conviction that climate change is a global challenge that calls for global response and collaboration.

Indias delivery on its Paris pledges has been recognised. A September 2019 Climate Change Report released by National Geographic in association with Climate Action Tracker rated the country as Top of the Class and a global leader in renewable energy. The report noted Indias stiff targets for renewables and acknowledged progress has been so rapid India could reach these earlier than previously predicted.

The Germanwatch Climate Change Performance Index (CCPI) 2020 report arrived at similar conclusions. It categorised India as one of only two G20 countries with a high performance, and commended it on benchmarks such as tackling greenhouse gas emissions, climate policy, energy use, and renewables. Both reports acknowledged Indias per capita emissions remain much lower than the global average, let alone emissions of developed nations.

India and the European Union are natural partners in the quest for environmental sustainability, climate change mitigation, and green growth and development. Our common hopes and endeavours could define our partnership in the post-coronavirus era.

Continued flexibility in supporting Indias green strategy will help it go even further. This requires a careful mix of targets where feasible (such as for renewable energy) and incentivising sustainable business practices and clean energy preferences. Stronger outcomes in India would benefit from long-term finance and green-sector investments from Europe, as well as liberal technology sharing protocols. Our planet will reap the dividend.

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India and the EU are natural partners for the green economy - EURACTIV