Archive for the ‘Donald Trump’ Category

Donald Trump and the psychology of blame – CNN

It didn't matter. He won.

I learned: Politics is not mostly about logic or reality, but appearance and desire -- telling an emotionally appealing story, offering hope and making promises, even if you can't keep them.

Since the election, pundits have pondered why Donald Trump won, Hillary Clinton lost, and where the Trump presidency is headed. They have traced his win to Russian hacking, the Electoral College system, the media, James Comey, Bernie Sanders, and Clinton taking Midwestern blue collar voters for granted -- all of which clearly played roles. And they have repeatedly tried to understand and assess what Trump may now do.

Yet several additional critical issues have been ignored and deserve attention -- concerning the psychology of blame.

In a complex world, we look for causes and effects, and whom to blame. Most voters want simple answers. But the world is messy, defying easy solutions. Nonetheless, countless social media sites and messages seem to give answers, telling viewers who is at fault -- shaping attitudes and votes.

But while recent exposs have examined the mechanics of how particular fake news stories have gone viral, it is crucial to understand, too, why such stories prove so appealing -- how they assign blame.

The Nobel laureate Daniel Kahneman found that when confronting too much complex numerical information, people use mental shortcuts to process it -- so-called "fast" rather than "slow" thinking. Yet people also rely on "fast thinking" to process not only numbers, as he describes, but social and political problems and information as well.

We draw on prior beliefs, biases, and scripts -- familiar stories. These shortcuts generally involve narratives of blame -- helping us decide who or what caused the problem, and thus how we should solve it. People seek to fault others for problems because to hold ourselves accountable is too painful.

Blame serves several functions, assigning both physical cause and moral responsibility. It also involves complex cognitive, as well as social and emotional processing. Most complicated human events -- whether wars, recessions, diseases or elections -- result from multiple contributing factors. But we can't focus on all of them. Rather, we generally target our anger and frustration on only one.

I first became aware of the complex psychology of blame several years ago, when conducting research on women who had breast cancer and breast cancer mutations. "I always knew I shouldn't have stayed in that awful relationship all those years," the first woman I interviewed told me.

"Why is that?" I asked.

"Because that's why I have breast cancer."

"But you have the mutation," I said, cautiously.

"Yes, but what triggered it was the stress of that bad relationship -- that's when I got diagnosed." Repeatedly, women I surveyed blamed their disease on the stresses of bad bosses or companies' pollution, rather than the mutation, itself. Doctors emphasize genes, but these women didn't.

These patients weren't necessarily wrong. After all, only 50% percent of women who have the gene associated with breast cancer end up getting the disease. Other factors -- environmental or psychological -- can affect whether one develops the disease.

But, emotionally, these women all focused on these other factors, constructing narratives that made sense for them -- assigning blame subjectively, not based on science or all the facts.

These patients' stories may seem far afield from our new political realities, but offer key insights. Trump built a simple narrative that, for many voters, made sense of current national problems. He successfully faulted Clinton for all of our nation's difficulties, arguing that she had had 30 years to fix them, and had failed. She was the villain ("lock her up"). Blue collar workers were "victims" of an unfair system. He, uniquely, was the hero who would "make America great" again.

She consistently let him portray himself as "The Outsider" and paint her as representing all insiders -- Democrats and Republicans alike. She never contested these arguments. Presumably, she feared offending Republicans, whose support she sought.

Conventional political wisdom might say, "Don't waste time refuting your opponent -- let the press do it." But we no longer live in conventional political times; the press failed to do it sufficiently. She could instead have said, "Bipartisan politics is complicated. Many of us have tried to compromise. But not all elected officials have done so. In fact, Trump's party got us into the Iraq War, and helped create The Great Recession."

To assign, limit or escape blame, individuals employ various rhetorical strategies -- denying that certain events ever happened ("I didn't say that"), or giving justifications or excuses. But, to blame others and deny responsibility generally entails stretching the truth and minimizing accountability.

In the world of information overload, short attention spans, tweets and unvetted online "news," countless people lose track and become uncertain. The realities are far more complicated, but overly simplistic narratives stick -- partly because they mobilize rage.

Occasionally, we reevaluate and change our understanding -- when confronted by facts from trusted sources or when another storyline, based on this new information, feels more compelling, especially if the new explanation gives a sense of control.

Still, altering such perspectives can be hard. Some of the women with breast cancer whom I interviewed shifted their views of their disease, though doing so was not always easy. "I'm such a big environmentalist," one woman told me, "that it's hard for me to believe that genes also played a role in my cancer." She wrestled with the ambiguity of multiple factors contributing to her disease. Gradually, she came to appreciate this more nuanced reality, though it was less emotionally satisfying.

Yet social science can help us determine how to successfully develop and disseminate accurate messages -- both the form and content -- articulating and galvanizing anger against the status quo. Historically, certain messages have conveyed liberty and justice instead of hate -- as in the Arab Spring.

Importantly, we need to pay more attention to how the psychology of blame operates -- how humans inherently seek to assign fault, how that quest can be misused by Trump or other politicians, and how much is at stake -- the pursuit of truth that is crucial for our democracy.

Otherwise, we will all be waiting for soda to flow from the water fountains.

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Donald Trump and the psychology of blame - CNN

A Friend and Former Business Partner Speaks Out Against Donald Trump – Wall Street Journal (subscription)

A Friend and Former Business Partner Speaks Out Against Donald Trump
Wall Street Journal (subscription)
MEXICO CITYA billionaire real-estate developer is breaking with Donald Trump over the president's immigration policies and stance toward Mexico, the latest high-profile businessman to publicly criticize the administration. Jorge Prez, a longtime ...

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A Friend and Former Business Partner Speaks Out Against Donald Trump - Wall Street Journal (subscription)

Limbaugh: ‘The media did not make Donald Trump and they can’t destroy him’ – The Hill

Conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh on Sunday criticized the media, saying members of the press will fail to destroy President Trump.

"The media did not make Donald TrumpDonald TrumpChelsea Clinton attends Muslim solidarity rally in NYC Pentagon chief: 'I dont have any issues with the press' Kasich: The media is 'an important part of democracy' MOREand they can't destroy him," Limbaugh said on "Fox News Sunday."

He pointed to media organizations including ABC, CBC, NBC, The New York Times, The Washington Post and USA Today.

"They have a formula, they have a blueprint for destroying Republican political officials they don't like," Limbaugh said.

Trump often blasts the media, referring to "fake news." In a recent tweet, Trump called the "FAKE NEWS media" the "enemy of the American people."

When asked Sunday about the tweet, Limbaugh said he thinks that "there's something to it."

"Trump won the election, on substance. Trump did more interviews. He explained his agenda more than any political presidential candidate ever has in my memory. And he has tried to stick to it," he said.

"Trump has a connection with his voters that most politicians don't have...and that connection that he has is not anything that anybody else can break. Only he can break it."

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Limbaugh: 'The media did not make Donald Trump and they can't destroy him' - The Hill

Donald Trump – The New Yorker

By David Remnick

As Trump takes office, there is every reason to be on guard against a President whose attachment to constitutional norms seems episodic at best.

How do you fight an enemy whos just kidding?

A rogue group of conservative thinkers tries to build a governing ideology around a President-elect who disdains ideology.

Inside a stunned White House, the President considers his legacy and Americas future.

The electorate has, in its plurality, decided to live in Trumps world of vanity, hate, arrogance, untruth, and recklessness.

West Virginia used to vote solidly Democratic. Now it belongs to Trump. What happened?

His campaign tells us a lot about what kind of Commander-in-Chief he would be.

Our reporters and fact-checkers have been working on a series of reported essays about the scale and depth of Donald Trumps lies.

How the patrician couple came to have an outsized influence on a populist Presidential campaign.

Obama used the power of the pen to make policy. What would Trump do?

The Art of the Deal made America see Trump as a charmer with an unfailing knack for business. Tony Schwartz helped create that mythand regrets it.

To call the presumptive Republican Presidential nominee a fascist of some variety is simply to use a historical label that fits.

At the candidates rallies, a new understanding of America emerges.

As Republicans struggle over whether to resist the candidate or to capitulate, they also face the Partys biggest ideological crisis in fifty years.

Melania Trump is the exception to her husbands nativist politics.

By stoking paranoia about immigration, he has found a following among far-right extremists.

How has this coddled scion of a New York real-estate baron emerged as a populist hero?

Why a celebrity proto-fascist with no impulse control is winning over the white working class.

Insiders loathe them; voters love them. Who will decide the future of the G.O.P.?

After writing a book about Benito Mussolini last year, an N.Y.U. professor began noticing the similarities between her books subject and Trump.

An exceptional nation would have better reflexes than this, would recognize the communicable nature of fear more quickly, would rally its immune defense more efficiently.

Trump clearly believes he can win the state, and he told his supporters that he was also going to win the election.

Donald Trump behaves exactly how you would expect an American fascist to act.

Despite his frequent lies, polls show that Americans view Trump as more honest than Hillary Clinton.

Clinton supporters point to James Comey, the media, and sexism to explain the latest poll numbers. Theyre onto something, but theyre missing the bigger story.

Republicans have long used Presidential debates to show their support for the government program. Add this to the list of norms that Trump has broken.

In 2012, Corey Robins The Reactionary Mind recognized the philosophical affinities that would lead to the Republican embrace of Donald Trump in 2016.

At the opening of his new D.C. hotel, Trump professed an optimism that has been absent on the campaign trail.

If Trump believed that he still had a realistic shot at winning, Wednesday nights debate was his opportunity to act Presidential. He didnt.

Trump doesn't need to be a puppet of Putin to be a dangerous President. It is enough that he seeks to emulate his authoritarianism.

At a rally in western Colorado, the candidate prepares his followers to give up without giving in.

But it would be a mistake to think of Hillary Clintons strong performance as a blowout.

If news cycles were driven by issues of import, rather than what's new, Trump University would never leave the headlines.

If Trump was just cynically catering to the nativist right during the primaries, by now he would have integrated some mainstream Republican thinking into his position on immigration.

The truth, of course, is that the old Trump can read the polls, and he knows hes headed for a heavy and ignominious defeat.

If Trump continues to stonewall, its clear that hes doing so because thats his choice, not his legal obligation.

Trumps implication that gun owners might attack Hillary Clinton if she is elected President was irresponsible in more than just the obvious ways.

The attraction is mutual, but history shows whos really using whom.

At his wedding to Melania, Trumps high status in the tabloids and on TV was clearly respected by everyone.

Trump badly but predictably underestimated the parents of a Muslim Army captain who died serving the United States in Iraq.

Trumps latest disruption of American politics at the highest level has stunned academics. But will the country care?

One of Trumps most trusted sources for news trades heavily on wild conspiracy theories. Does he actually believe any of them?

After the tragedy in Florida, it feels indecent to acknowledge Trumps commentsbut their sheer ugliness reflects his empty character and the campaign to come.

It was once possible to laugh at Donald Trumps obsessions without worrying that he might actually impose them on the country.

Donald Trumps statements say more about his disregard for the rule of law than they do about Hillary Clinton or her e-mail server.

But will it be the candidates undoing?

The candidate says he plans to make a strong showing among Midwestern voters, but the numbers dont add up.

Donald Trumps harangues about the media, and reports of a third-party challenge from a political neophyte, made for a bizarre twenty-four hours.

His statements on the function of the judiciary reveal ignorance about how the Supreme Court works and a total absence of legal philosophy.

If Trump came to power, there is a decent chance that the American experiment would be over.

It will be debated for years, but any convincing explanation must acknowledge his talents as a demagogue and pugilist.

Cruz spent most of his time in Indiana arguing that Trump and Hillary Clinton were indistinguishable. The results point to the political, and the logical, weaknesses of this argument.

Thanks to some good old-fashioned reporting, we now have an idea of how little cash Trump has given away.

His Dadaist political exercises, designed to shock and command attention, have revealed the hypocrisies of the political class.

The insurgent candidates have run campaigns that seem tailored to the preferences of people who dont normally go to the polls.

Few Latinos are supporting Trump. But one pro-Trump voter, John Castillo, explains his position.

When political parties fail to stop alarming candidates.

Trumps rise isnt just about his political incorrectness and independence.

The message is that Trumps hate, his xenophobia and bigotry, its all a thousand per cent on purpose.

In a Profile written nearly two decades before his Presidential run, Trump was already contemplating how to present himself as a "doer and dealmaker."

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Donald Trump - The New Yorker

Donald Trump and the Enemies of the American People – The New Yorker

President Trump seems determined to exploit the publics mistrust of the media to the hilt, if only to distract his base from the disappointments that are sure to come.CreditPHOTOGRAPH BY PABLO MARTINEZ MONSIVAIS / AP

When the leaders of the Bolshevik movementLenin, Stalin, and the restused the term vrag naroda, an enemy of the people, it was an ominous epithet that encompassed a range of wreckers and socially dangerous elements. Enemies included clergy, intellectuals, monarchists, Trotskyists, rootless cosmopolitans, and well-to-do farmers. To be branded an enemy of the people was to face nearly inevitable doom; such a fate was soon followed by a knock on the door in the middle of the night, a prison cell, the Gulag, an icy ditcha variety of dismal ends. To be called an enemy of the people did not mean you had to hold oppositional thoughts or commit oppositional acts; it only meant that the dictator had included you in his grand scheme to insure the compliance of the population.

Robespierre, one of the architects of the Jacobin Reign of Terror, set out to horrify the opposition, and his instruments were the epithet, righteousness, and the blade. The revolutionary government owes to the good citizen all the protection of the nation, he said. It owes nothing to the Enemies of the People but death.

In 1917, the same year as the Bolshevik seizure of power, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin published an essay in Pravda called Enemies of the People, in which he lionized the Jacobin Terror as instructive. His party, the Jacobins of the twentieth century, he wrote, should follow suit, if not with the guillotine, then with mass arrests of the financial magnates and bigwigs. Once in power, Lenin was far more brutal than the revolutionary French. He built the first outposts of the gulag archipelago. Stalin, Lenins energetic successor, expanded the system from western Russia to the Sea of Okhotsk, ten time zones to the east.

Now, Donald Trump, the elected President of the oldest democracy on earth, a real-estate brander and reality-T.V. star, has taken not to Pravda but to his own preferred instrument of autocratic pronouncementthe tweetto declare the media the enemy of the American People. Here is the declaration in full:

For months, cool, responsible heads have been counselling hot, impulsive heads to avoid overreacting to Trump. We must give him a chance. We must not in all our alarm compare him to all the tin-pot dictators and bloody authoritarians who have disgraced history. The Oval Officeits realities and traditionswill temper his rages. His aides, his son-in-law, and his daughter will soften his impulsivity. Besides, he doesnt really mean all he says. Even as Trump was signing one chilling executive order after anotherall with the cool counsel of Steve Bannon, late of Breitbartwe were assured that everything was fine. He was simply fulfilling the agenda of his campaign. Calm down. Dont react to every tweet. Dont take the bait.

Then came his press conference, last week, his first solo press conference in office, and it was epochal. Ostensibly an occasion to announce a replacement appointment to the Department of Labor after the first had to step aside, Trump instead took it upon himself to denounce repeatedly and at length the sinful, dishonest press and the very fake news it produces. It was unforgettable. With all his nastiness, his self-admiring interruptions and commands (Sit down! Sit down!) Trump resembled an over-sauced guy at a bar who was facing three likely options in the near term: a) take a swing at someone, b) get clocked by someone else, or c) pass out and wake up on a hard, alien cot.

But the venue was not a bar. It was the White House, and this was hardly a joke. What Trump resembled at the lectern was an old-fashioned autocrat wielding a very familiar rhetorical strategy.

Joel Simon, the executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists, makes the point that autocrats from Chvez to Erdoan, Sisi to Mugabe, all follow a general pattern. They attack and threaten the press with deliberate and ominous intensity; the press, in turn, adopts a more oppositional tone and role. And then that paves the way for the autocrats next move, Simon told me. Popular support for the media dwindles and the leader starts instituting restrictions. Its an old strategy. Simon pointed to Trumps lack of originality, recalling that both Nstor Kirchner, of Argentina, and Tabar Ramn Vzquez, of Uruguay, referred to the press as the unelected political opposition. And, as Simon has written, it was the late Hugo Chvez who first mastered Twitter as a way of bypassing the media and providing his supporters with alternative facts.

Trump, as indulgent parents say of an indolent child, is not a big reader. He may not hear every historical echo in his enemy of the American people tweet. What he does know, however, is that the American trust in the mediathat generalized term that stretches from the Times to NewsMaxis miserably low. He is determined to exploit that to the hilt, if only to distract his base from the disappointments that are sure to come. On Saturday evening, he held a rally in Melbourne, Florida, and doubled down on the familiar theme: putting himself in the same league as Lincoln and Jefferson, he told the crowd, Many of our greatest Presidents fought with the media and called them out. The agenda is always to divide. They have their own agenda, and their agenda is not your agenda, he said.

At the same time, there are distinct signs that Trump is losing ground among members of the conservative media who had initially cut him some slack, not least because they felt the liberal media had been besotted by Barack Obama. The attacks on the legitimacy of the courts, on the intentions of the intelligence agencies, and on the patriotism of the press have become too evident, too repulsive to be discounted as mere sideshow. Joe Scarborough, the former Republican congressman from Florida and the co-host of Morning Joe, tweeted a telling call to the right on Friday: Conservatives, feel free to speak up for the Constitution anytime the mood strikes. It is time.

Its true that Trump has not arrested any journalists. He has not shuttered any newspapers or television stations or Web sites. I went to work at The New Yorker on Friday and helped close a new issue that includes a deeply reported and tough-minded Letter from Washington, by Nicholas Schmidle, about the Michael Flynn affair, as well as a Comment by George Packer that notes that Trump, at his press conference, behaved like the unhinged leader of an unstable and barely democratic republic. Yes, there was a little trouble with a Xerox machine, but no one at the office counted it a threat to the First Amendment. In the meantime, the New York Times and the Washington Post are engaged in a ferociously competitive battle to cover this new Administration that has bolstered the forces of fact and truth; and no one has shut off their computers or phones, either. At CNN, Jeff Zucker, the network president, has gotten telephone calls of bitter complaint from Jared Kushner about the coverage of his father-in-law, but if the performance of Jake Tapper and others there is any indication, the attempt to intimidate CNN has not deflated any spirits. The journalists at Mother Jones, MSNBC, BuzzFeed, The Atlantic, NPR, The National Review, the Marshall Project, ProPublica, and many other outlets are doing their work with determination and seriousness.

In Vladimir Putins Russia, as in every genuinely authoritarian state, there are no enemiesor, at least, none with the capacity to challenge power. Calling on all the repressive means available in such a statecompliant courts and legislatures; the elimination of political competition; comprehensive censorship of televisionsoaring popularity ratings are achieved. President Trump may wish for such means, just as he wishes for such popularity. For all the chaos and resulting gloom these past weeks, it has been heartening to see so many enemies of the American peopleprotesters, judges, journalists, citizens of all kinds, even some members of Congressdo their work despite Presidential denunciation, not necessarily as partisans of one party or another but as adherents to a Constitution.

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Donald Trump and the Enemies of the American People - The New Yorker