Mediaboss Marketing

Five days ago, Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), calmly looked into the cameras of local Tennessee news stations and stated that he had doubts about President Donald Trumps stability.

It was a shocking assessment and not just because Corker is not a man known for hyperbole. These types of things arent said about presidents; certainly not in the open. But it was said by Corker, and for the fairly clear purpose of putting Trump on notice that Senate Republicans were running out of patience with his presidency.

On Tuesday night, Donald Trump did little to earn back more patience. Those, like Corker, who were hoping that the president would suddenly discover a more conciliatory side were likely left severely disappointed by a rally that was equal parts angry, combative, rambling and foreboding.

To say Trump was in campaign mode would probably be to overstate how he was on the previous campaign. Speaking in Phoenix, he viciously attacked the news media, left-wing protesters, and members of his own party whom he blames for the stalling of his legislative agenda.

At one point, he went on a 25-minute rant against the press, with multiple gestures towards the pen at the back of the Convention Center. He blamed them for misrepresenting his remarks on the terrorist attack in Charlottesville, Virginia, last weekend. And then, when reading from printed copies of those remarks, he misquoted himself, conveniently failing to mention that he had blamed both sides for the atrocities.

When not reading off the teleprompter, Trump appeared angry. He threatened to shut down the government if he didnt get funding for his famed border wall. He blamed the filibuster for stalling much of his agenda, even as he claimed to have passed more bills than any president since Harry Truman. And he went after congressional Republicans for being insufficiently obedient, even as his relationship with GOP leadership reaches new nadirs.

Mitch is not going to be happy, a senior Trump official conceded The Daily Beast late on Tuesday evening, referring to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. He probably wasnt expecting an hour of tax reform. But couldnt have expected a shutdown threat either.

Republican operatives who watched Trumps speech expressed shock at the spectacle. Rick Wilson, a vocal, often acerbic critic, called it absolutely bat crap crazy on CNN. Others deemed the president a mad man

But Trumps base, fresh off a frustrating Monday evening that saw the president back a more hawkishor globalistAfghanistan policy, was thrilled at his willingness to embrace the red-meat elements of his platform at the expense of establishment Republicans.

Steve Bannon, the recently ousted White House chief strategist, was ecstatic with Trumps performance on Tuesday, according to two sources at Breitbart News, the pro-Trump website that Bannon chaired before joining the White House, and to which he returned after his departure last week.

Globalists can only make Trump pivot so much, one Breitbart editor told The Daily Beast.

As he heads into a thicket of major legislative battles this fall, however, Trump needs Republican elected officials more than Breitbart readers or Republican cable news pundits to rally to his side. Chief among them is McConnell, who controls the Senate floor and who has not spoken with the president in weeks, according to a Tuesday report from the New York Times that described in detail the increasing hostility between the two men.

Get The Beast In Your Inbox!

Start and finish your day with the top stories from The Daily Beast.

A speedy, smart summary of all the news you need to know (and nothing you don't).

Subscribe

Thank You!

You are now subscribed to the Daily Digest and Cheat Sheet. We will not share your email with anyone for any reason.

Trump could have used his Tuesday address to patch things up with the Majority Leader. Instead, he likely inflamed tensions by lending his weight to efforts to pick off a vulnerable member of McConnells caucus, Arizona Sen. Jeff Flake, an outspoken Trump critic. Nobody wants me to talk about your other senator, whos weak on borders, weak on crime, Trump said of Flake at one point, without naming him.

Leading up to the speech, administration officials had felt nervous anticipation over the possibility that Trump would veer from prepared remarks onto one of the many tangents that frequently color his campaign speeches. We are no more terrified going in than we are the other six days out of the week, a senior White House official told The Daily Beast on Tuesday afternoon.

Administration officials had hoped that Trump would stick to his teleprompter, as one senior aide put it, albeit while recognizing that its like roulette with him. By the evening, those fears proved valid. During the speech, Trump suggested that he will pardon Maricopa County sheriff Joe Arpaio at some unknown later date.

The comments flatly contradicted those of White House press secretary Sarah Sanders, who told reporters on Tuesday: there will be no discussion of [an Arpaio pardon] today at any point. They also ignored the advice of top administration officials, including White House chief of staff John Kelly, who, according to multiple senior aides, encouraged Trump not to make Arpaio a central focus of the rally for fear of attracting unnecessary controversy.

During his speech, Trump hinted that hed been told to avoid the topic. I won't do it tonight because I don't want to cause any controversy, he said of a potential Arpaio pardon. But, as is often the case, he couldnt help himself. Arpaio, he assured the crowd, is going to be just fine.

Read more from the original source:
Donald Trump Goes Scorched Earth in Wild, Angry Arizona Speech - Daily Beast

Evidence is piling up that Donald Trump does not really want to be president of the United States.

He certainly doesn't look happy in the job. In his previous life, Trump met whomever he wanted to meet and said whatever he wanted to say. But like all presidents, he finds himself ever more isolated, and his displeasure shows on his face. The loneliness of the job which so many of his predecessors have ruefully reported is wearing on him.

And it's more than that. Past presidents also tell us that no one can fully appreciate the dimensions of the job in advance. With no previous political experience, Trump's learning curve has been even steeper than usual, and the more he sees of the job, the less he wants to do it. He balks at the briefings, the talking points, the follow-through.

He was drawn to the fame of it, as he once told me aboard his private jet. "It's the ratings ... that gives you power," then-candidate Trump explained. "It's not the polls. It's the ratings." He loves being the most talked-about man on Earth.

But unlike reality TV stars, presidents aren't famous for being famous. They command the world's attention because they are the temporary embodiments of America's strength, aspirations and responsibilities.

It is a paradoxically self-effacing fame. The job demands that hugely competitive, driven, ambitious individuals for that's what it takes to win the job inhabit a role that requires them to be something other than nakedly themselves.

As some Trump associates tell it, he never intended to be elected. But having won the part, he doesn't want to play it, a fact irrefutable after Charlottesville. Rather than speak for the nation the president's job he spoke for Trump. Rather than apply shared values, he apportioned blame.

The presidency calls for care and cunning. All successful presidents have known when to say less rather than more. George Washington's second inaugural address was 135 words long.

President Abraham Lincoln often disappointed clamoring crowds, telling them that the risk of a wrong word made it too dangerous for him to deliver a speech.

President Ronald Reagan was famous for cupping his ear and shrugging as he pretended not to hear an untimely question.

Did these men ever itch to win an argument, as Trump did in his Tuesday news conference, with such disastrous results? Of course they did. But a president can't indulge such impulses.

Discipline in thought and speech is the machinery by which a president leads a free people. He hasn't the power to purge his enemies or censor the press. His strength rests on his ability to persuade. His power grows through a record of hard-won results. He seeks friends and respect, not enemies and outrage. Between fired aides (strategist Steve K. Bannon got the boot Friday) and fleeing allies, Trump is losing friends faster than a bully at a birthday party.

Reflecting more and reacting less: That's how a president gets through all seven days of a week supposedly focused on infrastructure without having his advisory council on infrastructure implode. With enough of that focus and discipline, a president might eventually foster an infrastructure bill an actual law with real money behind it, something more than bluster that creates jobs and feeds progress and raises spirits.

It's hard work. As shareholders in this enterprise, Americans are asking what disciplined, focused labor Trump performed to pass a health-care bill. What hard ground has he plowed, what water has he carried, to grow the seeds of tax reform?

The president's job is to understand that the world has plenty of troubles in store for this nation. His role is not to add to their number. There will be moments when the president must stir us up, so in the meantime, his task is to keep us calm.

If Trump were still in private business, he would have no trouble diagnosing this situation. A serial entrepreneur like Trump learns to recognize when a venture isn't panning out. Over the years, he splashed, then crashed, in businesses as diverse as casinos, an airline and for-profit seminars. His willingness to fish has always been matched by a willingness to cut bait.

Or, as a veteran boss, he might see his predicament as a personnel move that hasn't clicked. Trump has made many, many hires over his career, and some (as recently as Bannon's) don't work out. "Not a good fit," the saying goes.

The presidency is not a good fit for Trump. It's a scripted role; he's an improviser. It's an accountable position; he's a free spirit. Yes, the employment contract normally runs four years. But at his age and station, what's the point of staying in a job he doesn't want?

David Von Drehle writes a twice-weekly column for The Post. He was previously an editor-at-large for Time Magazine, and is the author of four books, including "Rise to Greatness: Abraham Lincoln and Americas Most Perilous Year" and "Triangle: The Fire That Changed America."

Go here to read the rest:
Why doesn't Donald Trump just quit? - Chicago Tribune

Last night, Donald Trump did the responsible thing. He reneged on a campaign promise to avoid losing a war. Thats exactly what we want presidents to do when they win elections, learn new information, and begin to fully understand the strategic, cultural, and political ramifications of promises foolishly made. We want them to do what Trump candidly did last night admit that decisions are much different when you sit behind the desk in the Oval Office.

In the aftermath of the Vietnam War, if there is any such thing as a bipartisan strategic commitment, its a commitment to never again preside over a debacle like the fall of Saigon. No president wants to be the man who watches from the Oval Office as the last helicopter lifts off the roof, leaving behind abandoned and desperate allies as sworn enemies sweep into a foreign capital. This is especially true when those sworn enemies have used that same land as base to plan, train, and inspire terrorists to strike targets inside America.

Three consecutive presidents have faced their moments of truth, and three consecutive presidents have made similar decisions (though in different ways). When Iraq teetered on the brink of collapse, George W. Bush rejected immense political pressure to withdraw and instead doubled down with a potent troop surge that for a time decisively tipped the balance of power against al-Qaeda.

His successor, Barack Obama, at first failed his test, pulling troops from Iraq in spite of multiple warnings that the consequences could be catastrophic. But then, he reversed course. When ISIS blitzed across northern and western Iraq, Obama could have stayed out. He could have left Iraq to fend for itself. But he didnt. He intervened with decisive enough force to halt ISISs offensive and then slowly (too slowly) provided indispensable military force to assist counter-offensives that killed ISIS fighters by the thousands and rolled back ISISs gains. By the end of his second term, the Nobel Peace Prize winner hadnt ended any wars. Instead, America had boots on the ground in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria.

Trump ran as a non-interventionist. He ran as the guy who would decisively end Americas endless foreign wars. But when his moment of truth arrived, Trump kept American troops in Iraq and Syria. In fact, he ramped up American military efforts. And now he wants to reinforce Afghanistan, loosen rules of engagement that have hampered American troops and hurt morale, and place welcome pressure on Pakistan to act like an ally, not an enemy, in the fight against the Taliban.

Why? Why did three different presidents with three very different ideologies reach such similar conclusions? Cynics and conspiracy theorists blame a foreign-policy blob or the persistent and allegedly pernicious influence of warmongering generals. But theres a simpler, more obvious, and I believe more accurate reason: It is plainly and obviously not in Americas national interest for its terrorist enemies to win and maintain safe havens overseas.

Its a simple reality that when terrorists possess safe havens, they become far more dangerous. Look at what al-Qaeda was able to accomplish when it dominated Afghanistan. It launched terror attacks that destroyed American embassies, nearly sank an American warship, and ultimately did more damage in American cities than any foreign enemy since the British burned Washington, D.C., during the War of 1812.

Look at ISISs deadly reach once it dominated northern Iraq and northern Syria. Europe has suffered through a deadly spike in terrorist violence, with hundreds of civilians killed and injured. Here at home, terror plots and attacks increased as well. Of at least 96 known domestic plots and attacks since 9/11, more than one-third occurred in the last three years since the rise of ISIS, and the casualty count in deaths and injuries has increased dramatically.

As should be obvious by now, when fighting a militaristic theological movement conventional military victory simply isnt attainable. While there may be political settlements in given regions at given times, there wont be a USS Missouri moment with al-Qaeda, ISIS, or any successor jihadist group. Theyre not going to lay down their arms, and thus its not really even in our power to truly end the war. Wars end when both sides stop fighting, not when just one side wants to make it stop. We can certainly diminish the jihadist threat, and we can certainly cripple jihadist forces. We cannot, however, extinguish the jihadist impulse.

Advocates of an American withdrawal should think hard about the consequences. They should consider whether a Taliban-led government in Kabul is in Americas best interests or whether its worth expending a very small fraction of our military power to keep a jihadist enemy from winning a historic victory. Indeed, denying terrorists safe havens should be the cornerstone of American military strategy, and that requires constant vigilance and potentially a permanent military commitment.

Perhaps one day the Taliban will exhaust themselves and seek peace. Likely not. But we in turn cannot grow weary in our own commitments to our own defense. In his speech, Trump provided an interesting definition of victory attacking our enemies, obliterating ISIS, crushing al-Qaeda, preventing the Taliban from taking over Afghanistan, and stopping mass terror attacks against America before they emerge. In other words, victory is a process, and while the aim is to inflict a lasting defeat on Americas enemies, there is no timetable for this war.

Good. Our enemy doesnt have a timetable. Jihadists have fought the perceived enemies of Islam for more than a thousand years. Our nations commitment to its people should be clear. Each and every year that jihadists are willing to fight is a year that we are ready and able to defend ourselves, to deny them safe havens, and to strike them before they can strike us.

Trumps change of heart is significant, and its a signal to our foes. American presidents, when confronted with reality, have risen to the occasion. One more American president has said no to another Saigon. Hes said no to another surrender. Americans can and should breathe easier President Trump wont be the president to lose this war.

David French is a senior writer for National Review, a senior fellow at the National Review Institute, and a veteran of the Iraq War.

Read more:
Donald Trump Decided Not to Lose the War in Afghanistan - National Review

That's Donald John Trump on the White House South Portico, seemingly looking directly into the sun. At the peak of the solar eclipse. Without any sort of protective eyewear on.

This, from the White House pool report of the moment filed by the Guardian's Ben Jacobs is, um, amazing: "At approximately 2:39, the President initially gesticulated to the crowd below and pointed at the sky. As he did so, one of the White House aides standing beneath the Blue Room Balcony shouted 'don't look.'"

Trump did, eventually, put on protective eyewear -- as did first lady Melania Trump.

what Their son Barron got in on the action too:

Heck, even "beleaguered" Attorney General Jeff Sessions got on the protective eyewear bandwagon (alongside Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross)!

"The retina may translate light into an electrical impulse that the brain understands, but one thing it can't translate to your brain is pain. So even if you're excited about the eclipse and think one brief glimpse at the sun before it completely hides behind the moon is worth it -- it's not. There's no internal trigger that is going to let you know that you've looked at the sun for too long. Any amount of looking at it is too long.

Even the smallest amount of exposure can cause blurry vision or temporary blindness. The problem is, you won't know whether it's temporary."

Remember, Mr. President: "Any amount of looking is too long."

CORRECTION: This story has been updated to correctly identify where the President was standing.

Follow this link:
Yes, Donald Trump really did look into the sky during the solar eclipse - CNN

"A wound inflicted upon a single member of our community is a wound inflicted upon us all," Trump said at the start of his address -- his first prime-time broadcast on a specific policy issue since being elected President last November. "When one part of America hurts, we all hurt. And when one citizen suffers an injustice we all suffer together."

"I will tell you something," Trump said at that press event at Trump Tower. "I watched those very closely, much more closely than you people watched it. And you have -- you had a group on one side that was bad, and you had a group on the other side that was also very violent, and nobody wants to say that, but I'll say it right now."

Trump -- like most politicians -- will never admit he was (or is) wrong. But Trump -- unlike most politicians -- tends to double down on bad bets rather than trying to limit his losses.

He spent all of last week doubling down on Charlottesville. But in his speech on Monday night, Trump tacitly acknowledged that the only way out of the pit he has created for himself on the Virginia protests is to stop digging.

That Trump announced neither specific troop buildup numbers in Afghanistan nor any sort of end date for American military commitments in the country reinforces that this speech was much more about trying to fix what ails Trump stateside than attempting to lay out a clear direction in Afghanistan or the region more broadly. On Afghanistan, Trump spoke in broad terms only -- insisting that his focus would be on killing terrorists, not nation-building.

There are two main questions for Trump as he attempts to move beyond Charlottesville and the self-inflicted damage he has done to his presidency.

The first is whether Trump, that most bellicose and over-the-top of politicians, can possibly convince a deeply skeptical public that he is a uniter, not a divider.

"Love for America requires love for all of its people," Trump said in a line far more reminiscent of President Barack Obama than his own relatively brief tenure in the White House. "When we open our hearts to patriotism, there is no room for prejudice, no place for bigotry and no tolerance for hate."

That's a meaningful sentiment, well expressed. The question is whether too much water has already gone under the bridge for Trump to be regarded as even a semi-credible messenger for that sort of unifying message.

The second is whether Trump can possibly keep up this call to our better angels for more than the duration of his speech Monday night. We may well find the answer to that one quickly, as Trump has a much-anticipated campaign-style rally in Phoenix, Arizona, on Tuesday night.

Saying the words of unity and brotherhood in a pre-written speech following the nine worst days of your presidency is one thing. Changing the tone of the defining rhetoric of your presidency when surrounded by your cheering supporters is something entirely different -- and much more difficult.

For tonight at least, Trump was in the mood to get beyond Chartottesville with a call for unity. But, his time as a candidate and his six months as President suggest that may be a one-night-only offering.

Read more from the original source:
Donald Trump's Afghanistan speech ended up being all about Charlottesville - CNN