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Nine months after being humiliated by Donald Trump, Democrats think theyre going to take back Congress by winning districts just like the ones outside Philly. Why on earth are they so confident?

Photograph by Clint Blowers

Ryan Costello is being a good sport. He really is.

The Republican Congressman is holding his second town hall this year in his suburban district. And its only April. (Compare that to Pat Toomey: Hes done nada, nowhere, since 2015.) Two hundred constituents slide into uncomfortable wooden benches at the historic Chester County Courthouse to participate in the airing of grievances; some have donned The Resistance uniforms. How about that t-shirt! Costello says to a light-haired woman in a Nevertheless She Persisted tee. And my sweatshirt says the Womens March! she shoots back.

Costello, an uncharismatic ex-commissioner with slicked-back hair, a lanky frame, and a closet full of suits that look too big for him, greets the crowd like a diplomat. There is a heightened element of activism by a lot of the constituency, he says. I think thats a good thing. The audience looks unconvinced.

Costello starts taking questions from residents and uses them as an opportunity to buck the party line. Building President Trumps wall is not the best way of enforcing the border. Protecting essential health benefits is extremely important. The Paris climate agreement is something hes leaning in favor of. When a man from Audubon says hes worried about Trumps austere budget, Costello replies, Me too!

Every once in a while, the Pantsuit Nation-friendly crowd applauds. But thats the exception. A jeer erupts when Costello reveals that at this moment he doesnt want to establish an independent commission to look into alleged ties to Russia. The booing rumbles louder when Costello says single-payer health care isnt appropriate for the United States. Were the only industrialized nation that profitizes health care! one woman says. If we cant have it, I want your health care! yells another. Over the next hour and 20 minutes, Costello is shouted at 10 more times.

Its this pent-up liberal rage in the Trump era in this exact corner of America, actually thats made Democrats believe they have a real shot at taking back the House in 2018. Costello represents Pennsylvanias Sixth Congressional District, or whats known to political junkies as one of the Clinton 23. These districts voted for both Hillary Clinton and Republican House members in 2016. If Democrats win them all next year, plus one more seat, the House is theirs. Costellos district is also home to tens of thousands of well-off, well-educated suburbanites who dislike Trump just the type of people Democratic leaders think they can win over.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has put three seats in Phillys suburbs, including the Sixth covering parts of Chester, Montgomery, Berks and Lebanon counties on its 2018 target list. Rahm Emanuel, who led the DCCC when it stole the House from Republicans in 2006, calls them among the most vulnerable in the nation. These districts tend to be mainstream in tone and interest, he said in a recent Atlantic op-ed. Thats a tough place to win the hand Trump has dealt Republicans of cutting student aid, denying climate change, and eliminating protections for pre-existing conditions.

Are anti-Trump moderates in suburban districts the answer to Democrats woes? Or is that just more wishful thinking? After all, wasnt the partys path to redemption going to be paved with Panera Bread stores? Wasnt Georgias Jon Ossoff supposed to be the suburban-mom whisperer?

Whatever the answer, one thing is certain: You, dear reader of Philadelphia magazine, will be inundated with a mind-numbing glut of campaign ads in 2018.

Shes just, like, a rock star! The chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee is talking about her as the strongest challenger in the entire country!

This June, a DCCC staffer gushes to me about someone named Chrissy Houlahan. Shes one of a handful of Democrats hoping for the opportunity to run against Costello next fall. But she stands out, this aide swears: Shes so accomplished. And a businesswoman. And a nonprofit executive.

A couple days later, Houlahan calls me while visiting Stanford for her daughters graduation ceremony. My first question is a softball wrapped in cashmere: Whats her campaign message? Im not a politician, nor did I ever intend to be, she replies. Im running because I really feel as though its time for representatives in Congress to really represent our values. She calls Costello a career politician who has no real-world experience. Shes different, she insists: I served in the military, built several different organizations in our community, and created hundreds of jobs.

An Air Force vet, a business leader and a non-politician channeling the countrys contempt for Congress? It aint bad. It also happens to be almost exactly what Democratic leaders are looking for at the moment. In a memo released after the partys bitter loss in Georgias Sixth District special election, DCCC chairman Ben Ray Lujn told his colleagues theres no doubt they can take back the House with atypical candidates: Lets look outside of the traditional mold to keep recruiting local leaders, veterans, business owners, women, job creators and health professionals.

But when I ask Houlahan which policies she supports, she responds with 42 words that could mean literally anything: My background reflects what it is that I care about and what I believe our community also cares about, whether its about security and safety, or whether its opportunity and employment and the economy, or whether its about education or the environment. Eventually, I figure out a little more: Houlahan doesnt have a position yet on single-payer health care and doesnt support tuition-free college, but she thinks expanding Medicaid and letting the government negotiate drug prices are good ideas. What shes very clear on, she adds, is that Trumps policies on education are harmful.

If that sounds familiar, its because Hillary Clinton ran an anti-Trump campaign heavy on platitudes about American values and light on ideas for improving lives. Per one study, Clinton aired fewer policy-focused TV ads than any candidate in the past four presidential races. Not that it hurt her in the Sixth: Even though registered Republicans outnumber Democrats in the district, Clinton won if only by .6 percent.

If Houlahan is the perceived front-runner in the Sixth Congressional Districts primary, with her kick-ass rsum and murky message, then Daylin Leach is the perceived primary front-runner next door in the Seventh with none of that.

Leachs CV isnt exactly made for the times: In an era in which voters look at political experience with severe side-eye, hes been a state legislator for the past 14-plus years. Parts of the district he represents in the state Senate are in the (gerrymandered) Seventh, which includes most of Delco and parts of four other counties and is another of the prized Clinton 23 seats.

But its pretty clear where Leach stands on the issues. He says he wants to fight three crises plaguing America: Trump, income inequality, and the erosion of democracy due to gerrymandering and an avalanche of campaign money. He supports the Berniecrat platform of a $15 minimum wage, Medicare for All and tuition-free college. In virtually every article written about him, Leach is described as one of the most liberal lawmakers in Pennsylvania.

Leach is also routinely called one of the funniest people in Harrisburg, even by his conservative colleagues. The week I talk to Houlahan, Leach holds a press conference to celebrate the fact that Pennsylvania has issued licenses to 12 medical marijuana growers. He and a Lebanon County Republican introduced the bill responsible for that. As hes prepping, Leach turns to his aide. [The mic] is on, so we dont want to talk about anything important, he says. We can just talk about your love life.

Is Leach too liberal for the area, home to 63,000 more Republicans than Democrats? Some insiders worry he is. Others, like Democratic consultant Neil Oxman, are more concerned that hes too goofy.

According to Oxman, the DCCC is really happy with Houlahan. As for Leach, The question is whether the DCCC will embrace him or thinks hes the cartoon character he made himself into. (Leach claims Oxman doesnt like him because he fired his ad company after it briefly worked for him in 2008; Oxman says he doesnt think about Leach enough to like or not like him, and that and has heard a number of people say Leach is goofy.) Asked about the races, spokesman Evan Lukaske said the DCCC does not make endorsements, but will ultimately support and promote candidates who we believe fit their districts and are working hard to earn the trust of voters.

Nine months after Democrats squandered an election to Donald Trump, they still dont have an answer to the most basic of questions: What should their message be?

The partys leaders recently took a baby step toward solving theiridentity crisis when they unveiled a new slogan and economic platform, buttheyre still arguing over health care andsending mixed messages onabortion.

The fact that high-stakes Congressional races are around the corner is making this more difficult, not less. The defeat of Jon Ossoff, the carpetbagger in Georgias special election who promised lukewarm technocracy and no income tax hikes, further convinced the partys left wing that theres no future in selling centrism to Never Trumpers in the red suburbs. These Democrats tend to think the answer lies in a Sanders-like message that will excite young people and working-class voters, including some who cast ballots for Trump.

More establishment Democrats see things differently: They believe, as ex-Clinton aide Jesse Ferguson wrote in Politico, that their secret weapon is winning well-educated, suburban moderates who voted for both HRC and Mitt Romney.

Most of these debates happen 30,000 feet up. Look closely, and things get more complicated. For instance, the three Congressional seats in the Philly suburbs that the DCCC thinks it can win the Sixth, Seventh and Eighth are much more purple than red. Some of these districts went, not just for Clinton, but for Tom Wolf, Bob Casey and Barack Obama, too. And in Montgomery County, the Democratic Party dominates local government. Democrats argue that one of the reasons Costello and Philly Republican reps Pat Meehan in the Seventh and Brian Fitzpatrick in the Eighth (Bucks and Montco) are vulnerable is because they havent all been acting like theyre from swing districts: As of July, theyd voted with Trump 92, 87 and 81 percent of the time, respectively. Then again, Romney won their districts, and Toomey outperformed Trump in the southeast by nearly 80,000 votes. Again: Its complicated.

One thing the Berniecrats get right is that many party elites have taken it as a fait accompli that they cant win back blue-collar Democrats in Western Pennsylvania. Despite the fact that registered Democrats actually outnumber Republicans in the 12th and 18th Congressional Districts out west, neither seat is on the DCCCs list of targets. The same goes for Charlie Dents 15th District also home to more Democrats than Republicans which Casey won and Wolf lost by less than one percent.

DCCC spokesman Lukaske says this could change: Every day, more races are coming online for us. But that seems unlikely barring a major shakeup: Nearly every Democratic insider I spoke with argued that many Democrats in Western Pennsylvania love Trump, have been voting Republican for years, and merely havent changed their registrations. They also believe Dent, leader of the center-right Tuesday Group in the House, is too attuned to his moderate district to beat. Id bet 100 to one he keeps his seat, says former governor Ed Rendell. Hes just done a wonderful job [standing up to] Trump. Has he? Per FiveThirtyEight, hed voted with Trump 92 percent of the time as of July.

Matt Cartwright, who represents Lackawanna and Luzerne counties, is the states only Democratic Congressman who has held onto a purple seat since 2012. Trump won his district by 10 points. When I ask Cartwright why he thinks hes survived, he says, I dont think theres a secret sauce. You have to have a candidate who is really used to hard work. Cartwright describes himself as a Roosevelt Democrat and has co-sponsored a single-payer health-care bill because hes leaning toward it; hes also voted to slash funds from sanctuary cities.

There is one atypical Congressional race in Democrats sights: Lancasters 16th District. Its on the DCCCs list, and state party boss Marcel Groen thinks it can be won. But Christina Hartman, the Democrat who lost there by 11 points in 2016, says no one took the seat seriously until she started making inroads. That was off everybodys radar [because] its a seat thats primarily in Lancaster County, Groen admits.

You have to wonder how much of the partys strategy is rooted in cultural differences. Do Democratic leaders see the suburbs as winnable because many of them live there? Because they know some Clinton-Romney voters but dont know any Trump-Obama voters? Because a guy like Ossoff is so familiar but a less plastic, more progressive pol like John Fetterman maybe isnt?

If Democratic leaders have subjected themselves to the level of self-reflection required to answer such questions, theres no sign of it. The party still hasnt released an autopsy report on the 2016 election.

Despite all this chaos, many Democratic insiders are confident theyll taste victory in 2018. I think well steal the House, says Oxman. [Trump] has lost a quarter of the Republicans in the latest polls. Like 2006 was a way to say to Bush, Youre ridiculous, this is the only way to say to Trump, Youre ridiculous. Even Corbin Trent, co-founderof the anti-establishment progressive group Brand New Congress, told the Guardian, I think the tide is in our direction and were going to see a sweep election.

There are fewer than 500 days until the Congressional races. And hey, a lot could happen between now and then. Nancy Pelosi could be tossed overboard. Sanders could unleash his own party. Trump could fire special counsel Robert Mueller.

But the fact that party elites are talking about a wave election as if its inevitable the same way Brexits defeat and Hillarys landslide were inevitable almost seems to be tempting fate, doesnt it?

Published as Power: Battle for the Burbs in the August 2017 issue of Philadelphia magazine.

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The Democrats' Battle Plan for the Philly 'Burbs - Philadelphia magazine

(Jenny Starrs/The Washington Post)

Democrats may have a new opening to set boundaries on President Trumps authority over the investigations into his 2016 presidential campaign.

For the past week, Trump and his allies have been hammering away at Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) over the GOPs failed attempt to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act. Trump has mocked McConnell and his lieutenants on social media for abandoning the health-care effort. Coupled with Trumps recent attacks on Attorney General Jeff Sessions, the rift between the president and Senate Republicans is growing.

Now the question is whether Democrats can seize on these moments and extract actual results in putting up barriers between Trump, the Justice Department and special counsel Robert S. Mueller IIIs investigation.

So far, Democrats have devoted most of their time to forging a new policy agenda to show voters next year what they would do if given power. They want voters to know the party would do more than just investigate Trump and focus on scandals.

Senate Republicans have tolerated Trumps controversies. His treatment of Sessions is different.

That focus has left a void in their messaging regarding the Russia investigation. It sometimes leads to a cacophony of voices and ideas shouted into the winds of the Internet every time theres a new revelation about Trumps campaign and ties to Russia.

Some Democrats want to forge a broad bipartisan coalition to put the brakes on Trump, even if it means setting aside policy disputes for the time being.

Were going to need a temporary alliance of progressives and conservatives to save the country, and then we can get back to fighting over the size and scope of the government, Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) said in an interview before Congress left earlier this month for the August recess. This is a national emergency, and were going to have to lay down our arms on some of these public-policy issues long enough to reassert that there are, in fact, three separate, coequal branches of government and we are a country of laws and not men.

But others suggest that investigations by Mueller and the House and Senate intelligence committees are well underway and that Democrats need patience.

Were seriously into it, and I have to say that the Republicans, theyre not obstructing anymore. They are all moving forward and they all understand how serious this is, said Sen. Angus King (Maine), an independent who caucuses with the Democrats and serves on the intelligence panel.

This Democratic dilemma was captured the night that Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.) posted an excerpt from his new book, Conscience of a Conservative, criticizing congressional Republican leaders for not forcefully confronting Trump during the 2016 campaign.

Three top Democratic strategists reacted completely differently to the Arizona Republicans criticism of his own party. Brave and well argued. I hope both sides have his back, Robby Mook, the 2016 campaign manager for Hillary Clinton, tweeted.

Im much more concerned with his actual voting record. Writing a column is a lot easier than voting against TrumpCare, Guy Cecil, head of the pro-Clinton super PAC Priorities USA, tweeted.

Brian Fallon, a top press aide in the Clinton campaign, called the Flake book the equivalent of just a bunch of tweets [u]ntil it is matched by any real action.

For now, there has been little to no effort by Democrats to define any real action. Do they expect Republicans to vote against Trumps policy positions because of the shadow of the Russia investigation? Do they want to push for impeachment proceedings? Do they want Republicans to join Flake in a chorus of Trump criticism?

Senators unveil two proposals to protect Muellers Russia probe

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) wants Republicans to start backing up their critiques of Trump with legislative action.

After Trump tried to implement an entry ban affecting several majority-Muslim nations, Murphy introduced legislation to block the executive order and hoped for bipartisan support, given how many Republicans criticized Trumps call for such a ban during the presidential campaign.

I heard a lot of Republicans vigorously complain about the Muslim ban, but none of them were willing to move legislation to stop it, Murphy said.

He applauded Republicans for joining Democrats in approving new sanctions against Russia, overwhelmingly passing legislation that also tied Trumps hands if he tried to waive those penalties.

A good first step for Democrats might be pressuring more Republicans to support proposed legislation that would restrict a presidents ability to fire a special counsel, considering two high-profile Republicans are already supporting such an effort.

Sens. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) and Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) have each joined Democrats to offer bills that would require a panel of judges to sign off on the firing of Mueller or any special counsel. This would limit the presidents and the attorney generals ability to shut down the investigation.

Given Senate Republicans current feelings toward Trump, Democrats might be able to get many Republicans to sign on to one or both bills, sending a warning shot at the president.

Schatz said those are the sort of actions that he is looking for in Republicans, hoping that more of them would publicly declare that one of the bright lines that Trump cannot cross would be firing Sessions or Mueller.

Schatz, firmly in his caucuss liberal wing, dismissed his allies who are critical of Republicans for continuing to vote in a conservative direction. He does not expect Republicans to start opposing conservative legislation or nominees such as Supreme Court Justice Neil M. Gorsuch just because Trump is president.

Thats a misunderstanding of who Jeff Flake is; hes a conservative, Schatz said. We cant expect them to become Democrats, but we want them to be small-R republicans, and we need them to help the president understand what the boundaries are in a republic.

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Rift in GOP gives Democrats an opening to put up barriers between Trump and Russia probe - Washington Post

As I was running out of space in my column last Sunday, I suggested without elaboration that the Democrats need an honest, hopeful approach to future campaigns. Some readers quite reasonably found that glib. But Im the wrong person to sketch a platform for Democrats, because, as an independent, Im not one. (Admittedly, that hasnt stopped Bernie Sanders.)

Will Marshall is a Democrat, well known to insiders for his long, sometimes lonely, battle to save his party from its suicidal left wing. In the 1980s, he joined Al From, Bruce Reed and others in an effort to drag the party toward the center after three epic defeats: Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush won the electoral college by a combined 1,440 to 174.

Their New Democrat movement found its face in Bill Clinton, whose upbeat centrism made him the first member of his party to win multiple terms since Franklin D. Roosevelt. Barack Obama went to school on Clintons rhetoric of optimistic pragmatism.

But memory can be short. The familiar pull from the left, personified by Sanders and his socialist surge, has steered Democrats back into the ditch. Since 2009, when Obama took office amid trumpet blasts of progressive glory, the party has lost the White House, Congress and more than 900seats in state legislatures.

On Wednesday, Marshall launched his latest rescue project, called New Democracy and aimed at making the party competitive again in the vast countryside between the coasts. Founding members include Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper and former senator Mary Landrieu (La.), along with mayors of such cities as Tucson, Denver, Houston and Pittsburgh.

Recognizing the deep dysfunction in Washington, Marshall aims to build from the grass roots on a foundation of practical problem-solving rather than cultural division. And he seeks to plant his party on choice political turf abandoned by extremes in both parties: the high ground of optimism.

Its shocking, really, how darkly pessimistic our politics have become. From the presidents American carnage inaugural address to the apocalyptic fevers of the alt-right, the Republican Party is captive to the sort of rhetoric that drives people to fill bunkers with freeze-dried goulash and homemade bullets. The Democrats, meanwhile, are in thrall to a fashionable gloom in which Americas past is only a litany of sins, its present a horror of injustices and its future an uninhabitable hothouse.

The deep pessimism that hangs like a pall over America is an anomaly, Marshall reminded me when we spoke about his endeavor. Its not the norm.

Theres no denying that the United States faces challenges, many of them as new and perplexing as the technology that drives them. How do we create broad prosperity in an economy that demands, and enables, relentless efficiency and cost-cutting? How do we meet the needs of longer lifespans in a time of shrinking birthrates? How do we create community and shared values when communication is radically personalized and targeted? These questions, and others like them, are vast and urgent but are best answered incrementally and experimentally.

But the United States has always faced problems, and the good news is we still have a knack for meeting them. Ill give you an example. On the left were told that only fundamental changes to our lifestyles and economy can prevent an environmental disaster. From the right we hear that cutting greenhouse gas emissions will impose ruinous costs. Neither is necessarily true.

A huge share of greenhouse gas emissions some 40 percent in the United States come from buildings: our homes, offices, factories and so on. As recently as 2005, government scientists projected that emissions from this sector would rise more than 50 percent by 2016. Instead, building-sector emissions were 16 percent lower last year than in 2005, even though new construction had added more than 30billion square feet. These amazing efficiency gains are saving U.S. homeowners and businesses hundreds of billions in lower energy bills.

According to the Climate Trust, Americas state and local governments, along with its world-beating private sector, can meet the goals of the Paris climate accord regardless of what happens in Washington. Indeed, they may well find their progress accelerating. These are the forces, after all, that have brought us energy independence, a widespread drop in crime rates and sharply falling water consumption, to pick just three thorny problems for which Americans are finding solutions.

Marshall is correct when he says, There is a huge vacuum for Democrats to reclaim a language of hope and progress. And Republicans might want to move in the same direction. The Americans I meet are tired of whining and blame games and itching to tackle the future.

Read more from David Von Drehles archive.

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I can't sketch a platform for Democrats. This man can. - The ... - Washington Post

President Donald Trump blamed many sides for violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, in the wake of a white nationalist demonstration.

His comments drew swift reactions. Democrats and some Republicans called on him to specifically denounce white supremacy and racially motivated hate by name. Vice President Mike Pence supported the presidents speech. A white supremacist website praised the comments.

What Trump said:

We condemn in the strongest possible terms this egregious display of hatred, bigotry and violence on many sides, on many sides, Trump said. Its been going on for a long time in our country. Not Donald Trump. Not Barack Obama. Its been going on for a long, long time.

What others are saying:

Im not going to make any bones about it. I place the blame for a lot of what youre seeing in American today right at the doorstep of the White House and the people around the president. Charlottesville Mayor Michael Signer, a Democrat.

Mr. President, we must call evil by its name. These were white supremacists and this was domestic terrorism. Sen. Cory Gardner, R-Colo., via Twitter.

Very important for the nation to hear @potus describe events in #Charlottesville for what they are, a terror attack by #whitesupremacists Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., via Twitter.

@POTUS needs to speak out against the poisonous resurgence of white supremacy. There are not many sides here, just right and wrong. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., via Twitter.

As @POTUS Trump said, We have to come together as Americans with love for our nation... & true affection for each other. #Charlottesville Vice President Mike Pence via Twitter.

Even as we protect free speech and assembly, we must condemn hatred, violence and white supremacy. Former President Bill Clinton via Twitter.

There is only one side. #charlottesville Former Vice President Joe Biden via Twitter.

The violence, chaos, and apparent loss of life in Charlottesville is not the fault of many sides. It is racists and white supremacists.'' Virginia Attorney General Mark Herring, a Democrat.

We reject the racism and violence of white nationalists like the ones acting out in Charlottesville. Everyone in leadership must speak out. New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, a Republican and Trump supporter.

We should call evil by its name. My brother didnt give his life fighting Hitler for Nazi ideas to go unchallenged here at home. - OGH Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, via Twitter.

We must ALL condemn domestic terror & stand together against racism, hate and evils that if left unchecked will tear us apart #Charlottesville Sen. Tim Scott, R-S.C., via Twitter.

White supremacists, Neo-Nazis and anti-Semites are the antithesis of our American values. There are no other sides to hatred and bigotry. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., via Twitter.

The President's talk of violence on many sides ignores the shameful reality of white supremacism in our country today, and continues a disturbing pattern of complacency around such acts of hate. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif.

Trump comments were good. He didnt attack us. He just said the nation should come together. Nothing specific against us. ... No condemnation at all. When asked to condemn, he just walked out of the room. Really, really good. God bless him. Daily Stormer, a white supremacist website promoting the Charlottesville demonstration on its Summer of Hate edition.

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Republicans, Democrats Urge Trump to Denounce White Supremacy - Voice of America

Democrats in Congress think they've found a way to shed some light on how much moneyPresident Trump stands to make through his business empire by simply being president.

With Congress out oftown in August, Democrats on the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee launched an investigation Tuesday into what the federal government is spending on Trump properties.

They sent letters to the heads of 23 major federal agencies requesting that the agencies calculate how much they are spending on products or services by Trump-owned-or-affiliated business: Did your agency travel and stay in a Trump hotel? How much did you spend? Did your agency provide grants to a Trump-related hotel? How much does the Secret Service spend staying at and securing the many Trump properties he and his family stay at all over the world?

If Democrats can get this information and it's a big if it could be the first time someone is able to pin down how much money related to Trump's day job is going to his businesses.The federal government is the largest employer in the country. It employs nearly 3 million people, a number of whom travel often.

Taxpayers need to know what our taxpaying dollars are being used for when it involves a question of prioritizing the United States of America or prioritizing the enrichment of the president's companies, said Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman (D-N.J.), who helped write the letters.

But there are major hurdles to getting that information.

As of right now, their request is just that a request. Republicans would have to sign onto this effort toturn that request into a requirement via a subpoena. Watson Coleman says that behind closed doors, Republicans express concern about Trump's finances mingling with the presidency, but they're not willing to go public with it.

The Trump International Hotel inside the federally owned Old Post Office building in downtown D.C. has been mired in controversy even before opening its doors. (Claritza Jimenez,Osman Malik,Jonathan O'Connell/The Washington Post)

A spokeswoman for the Republican chairman of the committee, Rep. Trey Gowdy (S.C.), declined to comment. The White House did not return a request for comment.

The White House has said it doesn't have to comply with congressional requests to anyonewho doesn't chair a committee. They backed down from that after Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) issued a tsk-tsk to the Trump administration, but it's still an open question if agencies will devote time and resources to tracking this information.

Committee Democrats said that if they don't receive information by the end of August, they will consider using a little-known committee rule that allows at least sevenmembers to force agencies to submitto their request. At least 18 signed onto the letter.

Since day one of Trump's presidency, Democrats and watchdog groups have been trying to pin down how Trump stands to benefit financially from being president. They don't have a lot to work with, because Trump hasn't given them much to work with.

He retains an ownership stake in the Trump Organization, which has properties and provides goods and services around the world. Hehas passed running the business onto his sons and said there won't be any new deals while he's president. But he could talk to them anytime about how business is going.

D.C. and Maryland plan to sue President Trump for violating a little-known constitutional provision called "the Emoluments Clause." (Jenny Starrs/The Washington Post)

He won't release his tax returns unlike every other president has for the past four decades so we don't know how much he makes annuallyor whether he has any financial ties to foreign governments.There arebills in Congress that would force him to share his returns, but Trump would have to signto make themlaw.

So Democrats and watchdog groups are going around Trump and using what's publicly available: what businesses are his (most of them have his name slapped across them; wine, hotels, golf resorts) and how much money the federal government spends (which the government has to keep track of).

Lawmakers have already identified afew potential conflicts. The Washington Post reported the State Department spent $15,000 at a Trump hotel in Vancouver to protect members of Trump's family as they headlined its grand opening.

When Eric Trump went to Uruguay to promote a Trump hotel and condominium tower, the Secret Service spent $9,510 for hotel rooms and the tripcost $97,830 fortaxpayers.

The Post has also reported that the Defense Departmentwas looking into renting space at Trump Tower.

Then there's the president. President Trump also makes frequent trips to properties he owns, and these trips may result in U.S. taxpayers' money flowing into president Trump's pockets, the letter says.

We haven't even mentioned foreign dignitaries who come to visit and stay in a Trump hotel. On that front, Democratic attorneys general in D.C. and Maryland have sued Trump directly, alleging that heis violating the Constitution by accepting gifts in the form of foreign nations staying at his D.C. Trump hotel.

Or the intangible business benefits that come from being a Trump, like deals going through.

All this worriesgood-government types, whosay it's anathema to democracy to have a president that, at the very least, gives the appearance he is makingdecisions that enrich him personally.

This does suggest that Trump is using his position as president for his personal financial benefit, said Melanie Sloan, a board member ofwatchdog group American Oversight, which has requested the same information as Oversight Democrats and plans to sue the government to get it. It's not just the Secret Service. He'll demand some secretary come there and be there two days. And he's charging for that.

If Congress can figure out how much the federal government spends at Trump properties, it would put the first dollar amount onhow Trump's presidency may be enriching his own pockets.

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Democrats think they've found a way to pin down how much money Trump could be making off his presidency - Washington Post