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HARRISBURG Location, reputation, demographics and pure luck may have mattered more than policy differences in Pennsylvanias row office primary elections this week.

Tuesday saw a major upset in the Democratic race for state treasurer and a decisive win in a crowded Democratic attorney general field by a candidate who brought statewide name recognition but not much cash to the race.

With the fields settled for Novembers marquee presidential and U.S. Senate races, turnout for the Democratic and Republican primaries was low, according to election administrators. The voters who did show up often said they felt unprepared and uninspired.

Susan Moore, a 79-year-old Democratic voter in Coatesville, told Spotlight PA she tries to vote every year but almost forgot about it this time.

She said voting rights, womens rights including abortion access, keeping Medicare and Social Security intact, and health care are her top priorities. Leaving the polls Tuesday, Moore named two local lawmakers she likes: state Rep. Dan Williams and U.S. Rep. Chrissy Houlahan, who both had uncontested primaries. But she didnt recall who she had cast a vote for in the contested attorney generals race.

Usually I try to know a little bit more, she said.

In such a low-information environment, unexpected things happen, political observers told Spotlight PA. That includes the nights biggest surprise: the upset win by Erin McClelland, a small businessperson and former project manager for the Allegheny County Department of Human Services, over party-endorsed state Rep. Ryan Bizzarro of Erie County for the Democratic nomination for treasurer.

The margin of victory 54% to 46%, according to unofficial election returns was even somewhat shocking to McClelland herself.

The stars couldnt have aligned more perfectly, she said Wednesday in an interview with Spotlight PA.

A low-key election allows another old-school factor to influence Pennsylvanias results, said Ben Forstate, an Allegheny County-based Democratic political operative: regionalism.

In low-information primaries in Pennsylvania, geography is still supreme, Forstate told Spotlight PA.

Pennsylvanians ballots include a candidates home county, and the result of this quirk can be seen throughout each major partys contested row office races. All but one candidate won their home county.

That helps explain why, in the crowded five-way Democratic primary for attorney general, the win went to the candidate who recently had the least cash on hand: former Auditor General Eugene DePasquale of Allegheny County.

He received nearly 36% of the statewide vote, according to unofficial returns, with his next-closest opponent, Delaware County District Attorney Jack Stollsteimer, capturing just over 20%.

DePasquale was the sole candidate who had previously won statewide office he did so twice and benefited from being the only contender who was not based in southeastern Pennsylvania.

The former auditor general won much of central and western Pennsylvania, Mustafa Rashed, a Philadelphia-based Democratic political operative, told Spotlight PA. Its fascinating he had all that territory to himself.

The outcome of the Democratic race for auditor general was less surprising, with party-endorsed state Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta of Philadelphia easily beating Lehigh County Controller Mark Pinsley by a margin of 64% to 36%, according to unofficial results.

The Republican row office races were less contentious. The races for treasurer and auditor general both featured uncontested GOP incumbents seeking reelection: Stacy Garrity and Tim DeFoor, respectively.

Unofficial results show that in the contested GOP primary for attorney general, party-backed candidate Dave Sunday, the York County district attorney, easily dispatched state Rep. Craig Williams 70% to 30%. Williams carried only his native Delaware County.

Having support from different parts of the party, different areas of the party, different regions is just a wonderful thing, said Sunday, whose campaign was financially supported by many GOP power players.

The establishment support appeared to matter as voters made decisions in the low-information race.

Joanne Dissinger, an 84-year-old voter in Lancaster County, said she voted for Sunday after she received a mailer advising her to vote for him and her local state representative, Bryan Cutler.

The mail led her to believe Cutler, whom she supports, endorsed Sunday. However, Cutler endorsed Williams, which surprised her.

Sarah Martin, a registered Republican and self-described libertarian conservative in Coatesville, said she felt unprepared and found it hard to find information on the candidates.

However, she voted for Sunday after taking advice from friends whose opinion mattered.

From the start, McClelland was running from behind.

Bizzarros list of endorsements, displayed prominently on his campaign website, was a whos who of state Democratic politics. He also snagged the state Democratic Partys endorsement late last year, setting the stage for him to be the front-runner in the primary.

He also raised almost five times as much money as McClelland: just shy of $500,000 to her $107,133, as of April 8 with $100,000 of that being money she lent to her campaign.

It was virtually impossible to raise money, she said Wednesday, noting that she relied on a loyal army of volunteers rather than paid staff to help her campaign.

Bizzarro had far more cash in the bank to get his message out to voters, outspending McClelland almost 15:1 since the start of the year, according to campaign finance reports.

Still, despite his day job as a member of the General Assembly, Bizzarro, like McClelland, did not have statewide name recognition. McClelland argues that ended up working in her favor.

Both her gender and her Irish last name, she said, likely also helped her with voters who knew little about the race, the office, or the candidates.

When a person who knows nothing about this race, hasnt heard much about him or me, goes in to vote and sees those two names, what is their visceral reaction going to be? McClelland said.

Part of McClellands strategy, which she believes ended up paying off, was prodding Bizzarro on social media, where his at times mercurial posts were a frequent topic of conversation within her campaign.

When you have two degrees in psychology, game theory comes into play, said McClelland, referencing the practice of analyzing conflicting interests to gain an advantage.

Bizzarro did not respond to a request for comment. In an email, campaign spokesperson Bud Jackson said the representative was leaving post-campaign analysis to the pundits. In an election night statement, Bizzarro simply congratulated all of tonights winners and thanked his supporters.

While the results were not what I expected or hoped for, I respect the voters choice, he added.

Mike Mikus, a Democratic strategist who wasnt involved in the race, said he thought gender and geography were the biggest factors in McClellands win. Since around the time former President Donald Trump became a major figure in politics, he said, Democratic voters are enthusiastic about voting for a woman.

Plus, he added, in low-information races voters tend to look for other factors, and having the county next to your name on the ballot is a big advantage. If youre from a larger county and your opponents from a smaller county, I think that probably had the most to do with what happened.

In the end, McClelland garnered more votes than Bizzarro in 53 out of 67 counties, according to unofficial results, faring particularly well in her home district of Allegheny County, as well as its neighbors. She also won in the states northeastern counties, an advantage that helped her overcome Bizzarros resounding wins in Erie County and in Philadelphia and most of its suburbs.

Chuck Pascal, who chaired McClellands campaign and considers her a friend, said she worked hard for the win.

She went everywhere, he said of her work ethic and campaign style. She traveled all over the state.

Voters tend to focus more on up-ballot contests such as those for president and Congress, rather than for state treasurer. This years race between Bizzarro and McClelland, despite the surprising outcome, was no exception.

Jennie Sweet-Cushman, a political science professor at Chatham University who studies women in politics, told Spotlight PA that all things equal, voters particularly Democrats increasingly will back a female candidate over a male candidate when they know little about either.

The same dynamic may have helped incumbent GOP state Treasurer Garritys upset win in 2020 over Democratic incumbent Joe Torsella, Sweet-Cushman added.

But McClelland also barnstormed the state her campaign expenses are mostly gas station receipts and small dollar donations to local political committees with a message focused on the office rather than national politics.

In a late digital campaign ad, McClelland highlighted cybersecurity and Republicans declaring war on public pensions and workers. She also campaigned on prioritizing domestic over foreign investments.

In a race where nobody knows what the treasurer does nobody knows how important that may or may not be she made it salient to what was going on in the world, Sweet-Cushman said, and probably in some sense, people got invested in her by doing so.

In contrast, Bizzarro focused on Garritys opposition to abortion and criticized her for attending a pro-Trump rally at the state Capitol the day before the Jan. 6 insurrection. He also attacked McClelland for mistakes in her campaign finance filings, and a handful of previous unsuccessful runs for other elected offices.

Garritys campaign picked up on the latter talking point in a statement Tuesday night, saying McClelland is a perennial candidate in search of a spot on the public payroll with proposals that are weird at best.

From the start of 2023 until April 8 of this year, DePasquale spent the second-least out of the five-person Democratic field, at almost $460,000. Only former Philadelphia chief public defender Keir Bradford-Grey spent less.

Meanwhile, the top spender state Rep. Jared Solomon of Philadelphia poured $1.4 million into the race, including $964,000 on TV ads. He still finished last, earning 13% of the vote statewide according to unofficial results.

What it tells me is that Eugene started off with a massive advantage, Democratic strategist Mikus said. Even though the other candidates were able to raise a decent amount of money and were able to get on television, they werent able to communicate at the levels needed to dramatically alter the race.

Its expensive to communicate across a state as big as Pennsylvania, he added: Youre talking a million dollars a week.

Speaking to Spotlight PA reporters, voters confirmed that familiarity was a factor.

Outside the Fox Chase Library in northeast Philadelphia, Michael Hannum, a Democrat and lawyer, said he thinks DePasquale has a proven track record of standing up against corruption and calling out people in positions of power.

He liked Solomon too, but added, This is kind of one of those weird situations where its like, I kind of want you to stay where youre at as a state representative.

As auditor general, DePasquale held frequent news conferences and made a point of undertaking special investigations, often on politically potent matters.

Over the years, these included reviews of state contractors use of Medicaid dollars, an audit of an anti-abortion group that received state money, a report on the revenue Pennsylvania could generate by legalizing recreational marijuana, and an audit that touched off a long-term effort to cut down on a backlog of untested rape kits.

Carver Murphy, DePasquales campaign manager, said he also thought this history gave voters positive associations that carried the candidates strong performance outside of Philadelphia and its suburbs.

When people are reminded that Eugenes in the race they remember they like Eugene and they want to vote for him, Murphy told Spotlight PA.

The Pennsylvania Department of State had not released turnout estimates as of Thursday, but both major parties have acknowledged it was low, an observation echoed by unofficial analysis. Insiders and experts say they expect interest will pick up with the presidency on the line in November.

Meanwhile, the candidates are already previewing their messaging for the general election.

This November is going to be, at pretty much every level, about protecting our democracy, protecting womens right to choose, Murphy told Spotlight PA, and the attorney generals office is front and center in that battle.

Republican Sunday said his focus heading into the general election is to campaign on his record in York County, including reducing gun violence and addressing the opioid crisis while providing second chances.

I think that our job is to get people excited, to get them fired up and get them out to the polls, Sunday told Spotlight PA. Our democracy functions when people go out to vote, and thats what we have to do.

Spotlight PAs Kate Huangpu contributed reporting.

BEFORE YOU GO If you learned something from this article, pay it forward and contribute to Spotlight PA at spotlightpa.org/donate. Spotlight PA is funded by foundations and readers like you who are committed to accountability journalism that gets results.

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In low-turnout Pa. primary, location and luck may have mattered more than policy - The Morning Call

Following the victory of former state Reps. Kevin Coleman (D-Westland) and Lori Stone (D-Warren) in their respective mayoral campaigns, the Michigan House has been split evenly with 54 Democrats and 54 Republicans.

However, Tuesdays special election could bring an end to the split and determine party control of the House.

In Michigans 13th House District, which covers parts of Macomb and Wayne County, including Warren and a small part of Detroit, Democrat Mai Xiong and Republican Ronald Singer each seek to fill Stones vacant seat.

Democrat Peter Herzberg and Republican Josh Powell are vying to fill Colemans vacant seat in Michigans 25th House District in Wayne County.

Democrats are favored to win in each election, as both districts are considered Democratic strongholds.

Since Stone and Colemans resignation, Republicans have argued for shared power in the House, while the rules put in place by both parties at the beginning of session note that a 55-55 split would be needed to demand a shared power agreement.

With 55 votes needed to pass legislation, interparty arguments over power sharing have led to standoffs in the House, and conflict over bipartisan policies.

While the Advance reached out to House Republican Campaign Committee Chair Rep. Bill G. Schuette (R-Midland) and Michigan House Democrats Campaign Chair Regina Weiss (D-Oak Park), neither could be reached for comment.

The two special elections in Michigan will be a referendum on the accomplishments of the Democratic trifecta in Michigan. While Republicans in state legislatures across the country are rolling back progress, Michigan Democrats are propelling the state forward. Theyve used their Democratic trifecta to safeguard freedoms and make Michigan work for everyone, said Abhi Rahman, the communications director for the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee (DLCC), the arm of the national Democratic Party aimed at electing Democrats in state Legislatures. Electing DLCC Spotlight candidates Peter Herzberg and Mai Xiong to protect the majority is essential to ensure that Michigan remains a shining example of the impact of Democrats leading state legislatures, Rahman said.

The Republican State Leadership Committee, which focuses on electing Republicans to state office, did not respond to a request for comment.

In the 13th District, Xiong lists living wages and workers rights, reducing prescription drug costs for seniors, tax cuts for working families, common-sense gun safety laws, investing in education and public transportation, roads and infrastructure and protecting reproductive rights among her priorities. Xiong has also been endorsed by Governor Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat.

Singer listed lower taxes, creating job opportunities, improving wages and ensuring affordable energy as his priorities. He promised to reduce regulation on business if elected and supported local zoning for energy projects.

In the 25th district, Herzberg, who was also endorsed by Whitmer, is committed to public resources like schools and parks, and will advocate for sustainable waste and energy management, according to a profile from the DLCC.

In an email to the Advance, Herzberg said he would work to ensure his office could receive adequate funding for projects in his district such as:

Herzberg also said he would plan to tackle environmental issues in the 25th district, such as growing landfills, and would work to improve oversight and prevent hazardous waste from being shipped to Michigan.

On his website Powell pledged to support Less government, less regulation, [and] lower taxes. He listed economic growth, education and public safety among his priorities, saying he would reduce regulatory hurdles and lower taxes if elected.

I am dedicated to improving our education system by ensuring all kids in Michigan have the opportunity to go to a school of their choice. Ensuring the safety and security of our communities is also a top priority. I served 6 years as a Military Police officer and I have a degree in criminal justice so I know what our officers need and I will support them, Powells website reads.

In a recording of a Feb. 12 Valentines Day dance hosted by the 6th Congressional District Republican Committee, Powell said he is 100% pro life and that he opposed abortion without exception.

When asked his stance on abortion, Herzberg said I cant support going against the will of the voters, referencing Michigan voters approval of Proposal 3, which enshrines the right to abortion and other forms of reproductive healthcare within the state Constitution.

Originally posted here:
Tuesday's special election is set to determine control of the Michigan House Michigan Advance - Michigan Advance

Arrest of a man who was smoking fentanyl, Portland, Oregon, February 7, 2024. DEBORAH BLOOM/REUTERS

Alongside San Francisco, Portland, the economic capital of Oregon, has long been a favorite target of Republicans for its criminal justice policies, which they consider too liberal. With less than seven months to go before a presidential election marked by the theme of crime, local Democrats have just given the American right something to crow about.

On April 1, Governor Tina Kotek signed a bill that recriminalizes the possession of hard drugs, reversing the decriminalization that had been approved by more than 58% of the state's voters in November 2020 amid the euphoria of anti-racist protests. The non-repressive policy "failed," admitted Portland's Democratic mayor Ted Wheeler. The admission has given grist to the mill for Republicans, who have made security particularly at the Mexican border, where they have no qualms about conflating crime and immigration their preferred line of attack for the November 5 elections.

Oregon's decriminalization in 2020 an unprecedented measure in the country had been hailed as the vanguard of a new approach. America was acknowledging the failure of Richard Nixon's "war on drugs" in June 1971. Among Democrats and Republicans alike, many were sympathetic to the argument African American intellectuals had been making for years: The all-out crackdown had led to a phenomenon of "mass incarceration," disproportionately hitting young Black people.

The measure, passed in 2020, limited possession of drugs such as fentanyl, heroin and methamphetamine to a $100 fine, and endorsed the creation of a detoxification program, funded by taxes on cannabis sales and savings in prison budgets. During arrests, police officers were supposed to hand addicts a card with the hotline number of a treatment center and inform them that the fine would be waived if they called. In 15 months, only 119 people called the number. No fines were paid. The cost of running the hotline was $7,000 per call.

The backlash was not long in coming. At the end of 2023, business figures including Phil Knight, co-founder of Nike, one of Oregon's flagship companies, invested $700,000 in a campaign to recriminalize drug possession. Democrats rallied behind the cause. In March, legislators in the state House of Representatives and Senate passed the reform by a large majority. The new legislation continues to prioritize detoxification treatment, but it re-imposes prison sentences (of up to 18 months).

"What Oregon did was a bold experiment, and it failed," Wheeler explained to the New York Times on Monday, April 1. "Let's just be honest about that. The timing was wrong, and frankly, the politics were wrong." The mayor blamed inadequate treatment services, which should have been in place long before decriminalization. Above all, he added, American cities were unprepared for the epidemic of overdoses due to synthetic opioids.

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With fear of crime on the rise, Democrat US cities introduce harsher policies - Le Monde

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WASHINGTON Six months ago, U.S. House Democrats united with a sliver of far-right Republicans to oust former Speaker Kevin McCarthy of California. Now, as history is poised to repeat itself, some Texas Democrats say theyre open to letting Speaker Mike Johnson off the hook.

U.S. Rep. Marc Veasey, D- Fort Worth, said he would not vote to oust Johnson without good reason.

Its my personal opinion that whoever the Republicans pick as speaker, barring the opportunity for a Democrat to be speaker, then that person should stay in there and we should all have a vested interest in making sure that this system runs smoothly and that we do stuff for the American public, Veasey said in an interview. If hes willing to help out on Ukraine, and if hes willing to do fair up and down votes on keeping the government open, then theres no real reason why we would just oust.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Georgia, filed a motion to vacate last month the same tactic Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-Florida, used to oust McCarthy. Greene opposes Johnson's plans to put Ukraine aid on the floor for a vote, which he is currently negotiating with the White House after months of stalling the package. Greene has not yet brought the motion up for a vote.

McCarthy was ousted after failing to appease hardline conservatives in a chamber with only a slim majority. Democrats voted in lockstep for Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, ensuring McCarthys demise. Despite inheriting the same dynamics in the House, Johnson has had to grapple with an even tighter GOP majority, forcing him to reach across the aisle.

Jeffries told reporters that a reasonable number of Democrats would not want to see Johnson fall as a result of doing the right thing regarding Ukraine aid.

Rep. Veronica Escobar, D-El Paso, and Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-San Antonio, indicated that they might allow Johnson to keep his throne at the direction of Jeffries.

If there is any direction by [Jeffries] to make space for Speaker Johnson in the face of a motion to vacate, strictly because he is doing the right thing on Ukraine, I think it's important for the caucus to get direction from leader Jeffries, Rep. Veronica Escobar, D-El Paso, said.

Democratic Reps. Jasmine Crockett of Dallas said at this point shed vote to vacate Johnson. Rep. Lloyd Doggett of Austin said he would vote for Jeffries.

Texas Republicans largely appear unlikely to vote for Johnsons removal, however, many are still keeping their cards close to the vest.

Rep. Nathaniel Moran, R-Tyler, and Rep. Pat Fallon, R-Sherman, voted to save McCarthy, and said they would do the same for Johnson. Rep. Chip Roy, R-Austin, a leader of the hard-right Freedom Caucus declined to state if he would save Johnson. Roy told the Washington Post that it would be a complete failure to put Ukraine on the floor without dealing with the border.

Tickets are on sale now for the 2024 Texas Tribune Festival, happening in downtown Austin Sept. 5-7. Get your TribFest tickets before May 1 and save big!

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Texas Democrats open to saving U.S. Speaker Mike Johnson from motion to vacate - The Texas Tribune

For the first time, the lead consultant to Florida Senate Republicans has admitted to hiring a disgraced ex-senator and approving a dirty trick to recruit a third-party candidate to siphon votes from a South Florida Democrat.

The scheme succeeded. In 2020, Jose Javier Rodriguez, the Democrat targeted by the GOP and by Florida Power & Light, lost by 32 votes to Ileana Garcia, the founder of Latinas for Trump. A third-party candidate who didnt campaign and who shared the same last name as Rodriguez drew over 6,000 votes.

Patrick Bainter, the Senate GOPs chief consultant, told Miamis chief public corruption prosecutor in a December deposition that he was the one who gave the green light to former state Sen. Frank Artiles to find third-party candidates to help defeat two Democrats.

He said he thought that was something he could do and do well, Bainter said. Great. Go knock yourself out. Bainter then had $100,000 transferred to a dark money nonprofit Artiles controlled.

In March 2021, Artiles was arrested and charged with making over $45,000 in illegal and undeclared campaign contributions to Alex Rodriguez, the ghost candidate. Bainter said in the deposition that he did not direct how the money he sent Artiles was to be spent and was unaware of how Artiles used it.

But he did admit for the first time in the deposition that the District 37 ghost candidate was part of his 2020 campaign strategy on behalf of Senate Republicans. And Bainter acknowledged that Artiles had been seeking a consulting agreement with the Senate Republicans campaign arm shortly before signing on with Bainter.

Bainters description of his involvement in the scheme came in a deposition released by the Miami-Dade State Attorneys Office earlier this year in response to a public records request from Floodlight, a nonprofit newsroom that investigates the powerful interests stalling climate action.

It, along with other released documents, draws an increasingly strong line from the ghost candidate scandal of 2020 to Florida Senate Republicans. Rodriguez, the South Florida Democrat, also had other enemies. FPL, the nations largest utility, which had vowed to make his life a living hell, has been accused in a lawsuit by its shareholders of orchestrating the scheme.

The suit alleges that political consultants who worked closely with the utilitys CEO and lobbying staff plowed FPL funds through a series of dark money groups to prop up the ghost candidates. The company has repeatedly denied the allegations and has moved to dismiss the suit.

I supported the Republican Party who I knew was targeting this race, former Florida Power & Light CEO Eric Silagy said in a June 2022 interview with Floodlight and other news outlets. Silagy resigned in January 2023, due, in part, to negative media coverage about FPLs involvement in the scandal.

The plot was sprawling. In all, three spoiler candidates ran in three districts, benefiting from over $730,000 in secret political funds moved by more than a dozen consultants. Artiles recruited the two ghost candidates who ran in South Florida races. A third candidate, who ran in a central Florida race, was recruited by a pair of GOP political operatives from Seminole County.

The scheme helped Floridas GOP further solidify its Senate majority. That margin also helped fulfill the legislative wish list of FPL, one of the most powerful interests in Florida politics.

Five people including Artiles were indicted for allegedly violating campaign finance laws. Artiles trial is scheduled for June. Bainter, the GOP operative, finally sat for a deposition nearly four years after hiring Artiles.

Bainter has never been charged with any crime, nor is he expected to be. He and the other political operatives who participated in the sprawling scandal, including those who worked for FPL, appear blameless in the eyes of federal and Florida election laws.

Bainter ignored multiple requests to comment for this article. The Florida Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee and its then-chairman, Agriculture Commissioner Wilton Simpson, who was incoming Senate president at the time, did not respond to detailed written questions.

Artiles had been talking to Bainter about the District 37 race since at least October 2019, according to newly released emails. In the deposition, Bainter told prosecutors that he merely wanted Artiles to give him independent information about the critical race.

But then the two men signed a contract to manage state legislative campaign assignments after Artiles recruited a down-on-his-luck salesman of truck parts with the same last name as Rodriguez to challenge him.

Attached to the email in which Artiles attempted to land the lucrative $15,000-a month contract with Bainter is the first draft of a proposed contract between the ex-senator and the Florida Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee for direction and assistance in developing the necessary programs to promote the Republican candidate for senator for District 37.

The correspondence does not show whether that contract with the committee was executed, and it is not mentioned in the arrest warrant against Artiles. No Senate Republicans have been charged in the scandal.

Artiles would end up signing up with Bainter directly. As previously reported, the ex-senator billed Bainters firm, Data Targeting, for the cost of flying from Miami to Tallahassee to register Alex Rodriguez, the District 37 ghost candidate, in person.

Then Data Targeting wired $100,000 from a dark money tax-exempt group the company controlled to another dark money group, Florida Stronger, controlled by Artiles.

But over time, Bainter says he began distancing himself from Artiles, according to his deposition. The reason? Artiles now infamous inability to keep quiet.

I learned from other people on the ground in Miami that Mr. Artiles was suggesting to people that he had been hired to, quote, run the campaigns down there, Bainter said.

Bainter felt Artiles had violated their contracts confidentiality clause, according to the deposition. In an effort to avoid drama, Bainter said he kept paying Artiles but started keeping him at arms length.

The plaintive tone of one undated email appears to show Artiles distress at being iced out. After giving Bainter pinpoint advice on the election, he signed the email, Put me in coach.

Then, on at least four separate occasions as the election approached, police reports indicate that Alex Rodriguez asked Artiles for money. Artiles gave him some $45,000 even paying for the private school tuition of Rodriguezs children with his credit card. Prosecutors say these payments were illegal campaign donations from Artiles group, Florida Stronger.

This defendant, Artiles, had a contract with Data Targeting, Tim VanderGiesen told Miami-Dade Circuit Court Judge Miguel De La O on Jan. 12 during a motion hearing about expert witnesses. Thats where we intend to show the money came from. Artiles resigned from the Florida Senate in disgrace in 2017 after drunkenly using racial slurs in front of two Black colleagues, He pleaded not guilty to the 2021 charges. If convicted, Artiles faces up to five years in prison.

Rodriguez, the ghost candidate, pleaded guilty in August 2021. He received three years probation and agreed to cooperate with prosecutors. Two others indicted for alleged ghost candidate-related campaign finance violations await trial in central Florida.

According to a shareholder lawsuit filed against NextEra, the power companys parent company, the CEO of Florida Power & Light and its in-house lobbying team worked closely with Alabama-based political consultants at Matrix LLC to promote the ghost candidates.

The consultants helped move $630,000 from a 501(c)(4) group controlled by the Florida Chamber of Commerce, a trade organization with close ties to FPL, through a daisy-chain of dark money groups and out to political committees that printed mail advertisements for the ghost candidates.

Though FPL insists that it did nothing more than support candidates aligned with its interests, the scandal contributed to the abrupt resignation of its CEO in January 2023. NextEra has moved to dismiss the shareholder suit. In another lawsuit, the founder of Matrix LLC charged that his CEO was operating as a rogue employee during this period.

Similar scenarios played out in 2018.

Matrix LLC had worked closely with Data Targeting in the 2018 South Miami mayoral race, operating as agents of an FPL-funded vendetta brought on by the incumbent mayors support of rooftop solar and his activism against a local nuclear power plant.

Both Matrix and Data Targeting also worked against 2018 Democratic Gainesville Senate candidate Kayser Enneking. In that race, Matrix used FPL funds to run a third-party candidate against Enneking. That candidate split the districts Democratic vote, ensuring Ennekings defeat.

These are types of allegations and scandals that shatter the belief that this publicly regulated utility is a safe, secure, and non-volatile investment, the shareholder lawsuit reads.

Added Democratic state Sen. Shevrin Jones: Ever since Donald Trump lost, Republicans have been talking about election integrity. But when you look at this here, this is everything but election integrity.

Floodlight is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates the powerful interests stalling climate action.

Link:
Florida GOP operative admits role in 'ghost' candidate scheme that defeated utility-targeted Democrat - South Florida Sun Sentinel