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Mob hitman Dominic Taddeo has been on the run before and he was exceptionally good at staying hidden then.

"He was in the windfor a long time," said retired FBI agent William Dillon, who was involved in a two-year-hunt for Taddeo in the late 1980s. "He was incredibly adept at staying very, very under the radar."

And now, only a year from a scheduled release from prison for racketeering crimes that included three homicides, Taddeo has disappeared again. On Monday, he escaped from a halfway house program overseen by the Bureau of Prisons in Florida.

On the run: Notorious Rochester mob hitman Dominic Taddeo escapes federal custody

He had been transferred there for programs to help him prepare for his scheduled 2023 re-entry into society.

"He could be hard to find," Dillon said.

Officials with the Bureau of Prisons said Friday that Taddeo, 64, was recently moved to the re-entry facility. Records show that Taddeo was scheduled for a medical appointment on Monday, March 28, and did not return.

Taddeo "was placed on escape status" on Monday, according to the Bureau of Prisons.

An official at the Orlando re-entry program declined to comment Friday, saying, "We can't say anything about that case."

The Bureau of Prisons alerted the U.S. Marshals Service to Taddeo's escape, and Marshals on Friday were searching for Taddeo in Florida while also keeping an eye on a possible Rochester return.

Taddeo in 1987 was on $25,000 bail, facing federal weapons charges, when he disappeared the first time. He was not found for two more years.

Taddeo became the focus of a national manhunt, and moved to different locations across the country, assuming two dozen aliaseswhile avoiding police. Law enforcement eventually learned of a payphone in Rochester at which Taddeo called local individuals, and police placed a tap on the phone as they surveilled people taking calls there.

Eventually, Taddeo made a call at which he arranged a meeting in Cleveland, Ohio. He was arrested there.

"Small, balding, and looking hardly like the mob hitman who investigators say gunned down three underground figures, Dominic Taddeo returned to federal court in shackles yesterday, two years after he skipped bail," the Democrat and Chronicle wrote in 1989 of Taddeo's return to court.

Taddeoshed 75 pounds and grew a beard during his two years on the run, the Democrat and Chronicle reported.

According to law enforcement and organized crime figures interviewed in the past by the Democrat and Chronicle, Taddeo had no allies in local mob battles. Instead, he was simply a mercenary for hire.

Bulgy and bespectacled, Taddeo was not a Hollywood version of a contract killer.

"You would never in a million years think this guy could be lethal," said a local man who was with Taddeo for an hour at the federal court house during Taddeo's court appearances. "It's like you're talking to Bugsy Siegel but he looks like a nebbish.

"I'm dumbfounded that the (expletive) continues to confound the jailers."

The Democrat and Chronicle was able to confirm that the individual, who asked not to be named, did meet with Taddeo. But, like some others contacted by the Democrat and Chronicle Friday, there was a hesitancy to discuss Taddeo openlynow that Taddeo has escaped.

In fact, two years ago, an organized crime figure from out of the area reached out to the Democrat and Chronicle about Taddeo's imprisonment. There were rumors they were wrong that Taddeo was then free and the former mobster was concerned that Taddeo might come gunning for him.

Two bombings, one murder, five trials: The forgotten history of a Rochester bakery

As a hit man, Taddeo had a mixed record. He twice attempted to kill mob captain Thomas Marotta, but failed both times. One of his victims wasGerald Pelusio, but in that case Taddeo fatally shot the wrong family member.

His other two victims wereNicholas Mastrodonato and Dino Tortatice.

Rochester mob consigliereRene Piccarreto hired Taddeo for the assassinations at a time when local organized crime figures were largely fighting amongthemselves for power. Taddeo was largely unknown, andPiccarreto was successful at keeping the identity secret for years.

"Even as the shootings were going on, people still wondered (who the killer was)," said retired FBI agent Dillon. "We weren't able to develop anybody for the longest period of time."

In 1992 Taddeo pleaded guilty to racketeering crimes, including the homicides. He was scheduled to be released in February 2023.

In 2020, Taddeo made an appeal for compassionate release, saying he suffered from health conditions that could be a "death sentence" because of the coronavirus. He said he suffered from hypertension, partial blindness, obesity, and anemia. A judge denied his bid for release.

Prison records show that Taddeo had numerous disciplinary issues his early years in prison, including "setting a fire" and conducting a "gambling pool" and "possessing intoxicants."

But, since the late-1990s, his record appears exemplary except for a 2010 citation for "possessing an unauthorized item."

Bureau of Prisons records from 2020 recommended that Taddeo be part of a year-long re-entry preparation program. If released in 2023, he told prison officials, he planned to live with his mother in Daytona Beach and get a job.

Among the re-entry program plans were to offer "life lessons" about returning to society.

Taddeo entered the year-long program on Feb. 22.

Contact Gary Craig at gcraig@gannett.com. Follow him on Twitter at gcraig1.

Excerpt from:
'He could be hard to find': Escaped mob hitman Dominic Taddeo has been on the run before - Democrat & Chronicle

SALT LAKE CITY The deadline to switch your political party affiliation to vote in Utah Republican primaries is midnight tonight.

Republican Rep. Jordan Teuschers bill, H.B.197, passed the House and Senate early last year and was signed into law by Gov. Spencer Cox. The law set a deadline to switch party affiliations to vote in the GOP primaries months before the vote takes place.

The lawmaker joined Dave Noriega and guest host Leah Murray to discuss his reasons for pushing the bill.

If you have people coming in [to vote] who dont believe in those same values, that dont ascribe to the party platform or beliefs, to come in and pick who the nominee of that party is, that really undermines the process, Teuscher said.

In the 2020 Republican primary, more than 20,000 registered Democrats in Utah switched their affiliation to vote in that race, Teuscher said.

If you look at some of those races, like for example, the governors race, that primary was only won by 6,000 votes, Teuscher said, referring to when now-Gov. Spencer Cox defeated former Gov. Jon Huntsman Jr.

This came after calls from prominent members of the Democratic Party to do what they called the unthinkable to hold their nose and strategically register as members of the opposite party, he added.

Teuscher also pointed out the deadline only applies to those registered with a party right now.

So if youre an unaffiliated voter, and you want to vote in the Republican primary, you can still register up to the day of the election, he said.

Dave said critics point out a flaw in the primary election of discouraging the more moderate candidate and rewarding the more extreme candidates.

Do you see [limiting party participation as] being problematic for the moderates who are trying to bridge some of those gaps between Republicans and liberals? he asked.

I dont think so, Teuscher said. I really feel like if if these Democrats . . . put their efforts rather than trying to recruit people to register in the Republican Party to change the outcome into building up their party and maybe looking at their own policies and say, Hey, maybe we need to change. Maybe we need to moderate so that our candidates are more marketable in the general election. Theyd be much better served.

I completely agree with the representative on his last point, Murray said. Its very short-term gaming to only be thinking about this election.

The moderate plays much better in the general election than a primary election, Dave said. So why are Republicans and Democrats across the country so reluctant to learn that lesson?

Dave & Dujanovic can be heard weekdays from 9 a.m. to noon. on KSL NewsRadio. Users can find the show on the KSL NewsRadio website and app, as well as Apple Podcasts and Google Play.

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Are you a registered Utah Democrat seeking to vote in the Republican primaries? Deadline is midnight tonight to switch - KSL NewsRadio

The Indianapolis City-County Council will face some new political tension when it meets Monday.

Earlier this week, Councilor Ethan Evans announced that he was leaving the Democratic Party to become an independent and wouldnt seek reelection in 2023.

In a statement, Evans described a growing frustration, writing that hed felt shut out in trying to come up with solutions from inside the party.

At least one Democratic leader on the council is pushing back on that characterization, suggesting that the freshman councilor simply wasnt able to effectively build coalitions of support around his ideas.

You have to temper your priorities, how youre going to package these objectives for people because we all have constituents that we answer to, said Vice President Zach Adamson.

Adamson, a Democrat, recalled Evans work on potential legislation that would have barred city-county government from constructing any additional jails. Adamson said he and other councilors supported it in theory, but that they didnt want to hamstring the cityneedlesslywithout knowing what the current circumstances may be in the future.

Evans himself declined to comment, as did Majority Leader Maggie Lewis and Council President Vop Osili, both Democrats.

Republican leadership, meanwhile, identified with the split.

Its going happen to every party at some point, where theres going to be disagreements and, you know, you just hope that they can come out of this as civil as possible, said Minority Leader Brian Mowery.

Mowery recalled 2017, when former Councilor Christine Scales left the Republican Party to join Democrats.

There was a lot of confusion around that. I had talked to her, I believe, even the day she announced, and she didnt give me any idea she had any inkling to do that, Mowery said. So, sometimes these things just happen.

Will Evans be allowed to caucus privately with Democrats to discuss strategy and priorities?

The numbers lean toward a no, according to Adamson. He noted that Democrats still hold 19 of the councils 25 seats, a supermajority that can easily round up the 13 votes needed to pass any proposal and the 17 votes needed to overturn any veto.

Theres also some emotional fallout among Democrats.

Most of us felt what seemed to me to be a degree of betrayal in leaving the family, so to speak, Adamson said.

Mowery, meanwhile, said that Evans and the councils five Republicans were likely too far apart ideologically to caucus together, given Evans support for reducing and reallocating law enforcement funding.

I dont know that he would want to be labeled as a conservative either, Mowery added.

That doesnt necessarily mean total isolation for Evans, though.

If we can [work] with Republicans, well obviously work with somebody who at least shares our values, even if not to the same degree, Adamson said. Youll have people working with him and talking with him, but it wont be the same kind of conversation youd have if you were in a position of trust within the family.

For Republicans, Mowery acknlowledged, Evans decision to become a caucus of one comes with a wisp of opportunity.

Jokingly, the only opportunity I really have said is that now were no longer the minority caucus, Mowery said. But for anything we want to try to get done, we still have an uphill battle But, you know, maybe this gives us an in, to have somebody to work with that has still has connections in the Democratic caucus itself that maybe we didnt have.

Politically, the future is likely to be a challenge for Evans.

Not only has he altered his relationships with his Democratic colleagues by striking out on his own, but hes also become a lame duck, a term for outgoing politicians. Theyre typically perceived as having less influence because of their limited time left in office.

In his statement, Evans didnt indicate exactly whats next, but wrote, I remain committed to representing the constituents of District 4 and working on the issues important to the community. I appreciate the support Ive been given and have not made this decision likely.

Evans represents District 4, which includes a large portion of Lawrence Township, mostly east of Interstate 69 and west of Geist Reservoir.

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What's the future for a Democrat turned independent on the City-County Council? - Indianapolis Business Journal

Gov. Ron DeSantis followed through this week with his threat and vetoed two different redistricting maps created by the state legislature.

The maps kept in place District 5, a minority access district in North Florida that was held by Democrat Rep. Al Lawson. Another seat thats caught up in this matter is the one held by Central Florida Democrat Rep. Val Demings.

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Lawmakers said the new boundaries comply with the state constitution that says political districts cannot be drawn to favor any party, or to deny minorities equal opportunity to elect their representatives. But DeSantis argued both maps violate the U.S. Constitution.

"In their understandable zeal to try to comply with what they believe the Florida Constitution required, (state lawmakers) forgot to make sure what they were doing complied with the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution," the governor said.

The 14th Amendment includes the equal protection clause.

Congressman Al Lawson, whose 5th Congressional District would be redrawn, called it "absurd" for the governor to cite a post-Civil War amendment aimed at addressing racial disparities.

State lawmakers must now return to Tallahassee for a four-day special session, beginning April 19. And the focus will be on where to put political lines on the map.

"Our goal is for Florida to have a new congressional map passed by the Legislature, signed by the Governor and upheld by the court if challenged," said Senate Pres. Wilton Simpson (R-Trilby) in a statement after the governor called the special session.

Kelly Skidmore (D-Boca Raton), the ranking Democrat on the House Redistricting Congressional Subcommittee, thinks the Republican-dominated Legislature will deliver for DeSantis.

"The only way to do that is to do exactly what the governor wants. And unfortunately, that is most likely what the Republican leadership will do," she said. "Which in my opinion, and that of many of my colleagues, eliminates minority access to Congress."

Political boundaries must comply with the state's Fair Districts constitutional amendment, approved by voters in 2010. It requires political districts to be compact and contiguous, not favor a political party and should not shrink the ability of minorities to elect members to Congress.

The governor's veto, however, cited the U.S. Constitution, stating the map violates the 14th Amendment. "Although I understand the Legislature's desire to comply with the Florida Constitution, the Legislature is not absolved of its duty to follow the U.S. Constitution," he wrote in his veto letter, highlighting where the two documents may conflict.

"One man's opinion doesn't necessarily dictate whether or not that passes the test. So there is a difference of opinion. And ultimately, if it must go to the court, the court will decide," Skidmore said.

The Florida rules have two tiers. The first include a ban on redrawing districts to favor a party of incumbent. Another prohibition is against determining district boundaries with the intent or result of denying or abridging the equal opportunity of racial or language minorities to participate in the political process or to diminish their ability to elect representatives of their choice." Finally, districts must be contiguous.

One of the second tier requirements is to draw compact districts, but this is not as important as the first tier rules and can be ignored if it violates federal rules such as the Voting Rights Act.

The Florida Roundup contacted three Republican state Senators and invited them to participate in the program. None accepted the invitation.

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Top redistricting Democrat worries state Legislature 'will do what the governor wants' - WLRN

This month, after The New York Times first reported that U.S. officials were visiting Caracas to explore talks with oil-rich Venezuela, the diplomatic gambit drew an angry response from one senator in particular.

The democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people, Senator Robert Menendez of New Jersey said in a blistering statement, are worth much more than a few thousand barrels of oil.

These were harsh words coming from a member of the presidents own party, who was furious that he hadnt been adequately consulted on the trip. But they were emblematic of the extraordinary influence the New Jersey Democrat wields over some of the most politically radioactive topics in U.S. foreign policy, current and former lawmakers, officials and Senate aides say. The administration quickly denied accusations that the Caracas trip was part of an effort to find new supplies of energy to replace Russian oil or to undercut the Venezuelan opposition.

There is no dialogue between us and the regime, Jen Psaki, the White House press secretary, said under questioning from reporters.

The episode is only the most recent example of how Menendez, who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, is able to define the boundaries of what is acceptable on subjects from Iran to Venezuela. He is plugged in with Washington-savvy pro-Israel groups and with the politically active Cuban- and Venezuelan-American communities in South Florida. Sometimes in sync with the administration and often at odds with it, he is always to be handled with a healthy amount of respect and fear.

Hes somebody that you need on your side no matter what, so theyre very careful, said Juan Cruz, who served as a senior director for the Western Hemisphere during the Trump administration.

Last year, in a measure of the deference given to Menendez, the White House allowed him to suggest who should and should not be invited to an event with President Biden. The three individuals Menendez nixed were critics of the decades-old economic embargo of Cuba, which many on the left view as an example of a failed, right-wing policy.

Menendez has a very moralistic and inflexible view on the use of sanctions to punish and improve human rights, regardless of evidence, said Christopher Sabatini, a senior fellow for Latin America at Chatham House, a think tank in London.

At the same time, Menendez has been a crucial administration ally on a number of Bidens priorities, from clearing a path for dozens of appointees Republicans have tried to block to fostering a bipartisan consensus on the Ukraine war. Top administration officials consult with Menendez multiple times a month. His relationship with Biden is also a vast improvement over the tension-filled Obama era, allies said.

Chairman Menendez is a partner on our foreign policy goals and this administration benefits from his counsel, said Adrienne Watson, a spokeswoman for the White Houses National Security Council.

In response to questions about tensions with the Biden administration, Menendezs office pushed back hard on the perception that he approached the job of chairman any differently than he had under previous presidents of both parties.

Menendezs clout may soon be tested anew if and when the administration unveils its long-awaited reset of the Iran nuclear deal.

In recent days, officials have briefed members of House and Senate committees about the status of the talks in Vienna, and details of the 25-page agreement have begun to spill out in newspaper accounts.

One of the final obstacles, according to those who have attended the briefings, is Irans demand that the U.S. no longer designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps as a foreign terrorist organization.

Doing so would mean little in a practical sense because other sanctions on the group still apply, proponents of a deal say. But the Biden administration would need to expend precious political capital defending the move at a time when it has little to spare.

Id want to see what that means in practice, said Representative Tom Malinowski, Democrat of New Jersey, who said he was waiting to see the text of an agreement. But once Iran gets the bomb, our ability to confront their other malign activities will be diminished.

Senator Chris Murphy, a Democrat of Connecticut, said in an interview that hed seen bone-chilling assessments of how close Iran is to producing weapons-grade uranium. Others who have been briefed on the U.S. intelligence assessments say Iran could produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon in as little as two weeks, escalating the risk that Israel might take military action.

The consequences of no deal are horrific, Murphy said. And there is no other practical path to stop Iran from getting a nuclear weapon other than diplomacy.

The main reason the crisis has reached this point, advocates of a deal say, is Donald Trumps withdrawal from the original nuclear deal, which allowed Iran to keep enriching uranium past agreed-upon levels.

But the Biden administration also moved too slowly to engage Tehran upon entering office, fearing Menendez-led blowback on Capitol Hill.

It didnt want to lose fence-sitters in Congress, said Ali Vaez, an Iran expert at the International Crisis Group.

Now that a deal is close, administration officials are being cagey about whether they believe Congress must be allowed to review its terms. Under a bipartisan law passed in 2015, the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act, the administration must submit the text of any new agreement to congressional oversight.

Menendez, who opposed the original nuclear agreement in 2015 and has criticized the current deal under discussion, has signaled he will insist on the Senate having its say. In February, he teamed up with Senator Lindsey Graham, a Republican of South Carolina, to propose his own diplomatic solution to the nuclear standoff.

There is no chance in bringing Senator Menendez on board, and the alternative that he offers is unworkable for the administration, Vaez said. I think its a lost cause.

State Department officials caution that an agreement is neither imminent nor certain, as one put it. The administration is also still examining its legal options regarding congressional review of a potential deal, which might not technically qualify as new.

If an Iran deal is put to a vote in the Senate, Menendezs reaction will be crucial. Republicans most likely will uniformly oppose it. The administration can still afford to lose a handful of Democrats, because only 41 votes would be needed to allow a revived agreement to proceed. But it might take some arm twisting to round up enough votes to win.

Ben Cardin, the hawkish Maryland senator, has already expressed concerns about delisting the Revolutionary Guards. Other influential Democrats on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, such as Chris Coons of Delaware, have said little in support of a fresh deal.

A defeat in the Senate could deal the president a damaging blow on one of his signature foreign policy initiatives, supporters of the talks warn. And given Irans rapid advance toward producing weapons-grade uranium, should diplomacy fail, the president could be facing the prospect of a new conflict in the Middle East on top of a grinding war in Ukraine.

If there is no deal, Vaez said, I think this will escalate very quickly and the specter of war will emerge as soon as the spring.

Closing segment

Its certainly not rare for a senator questioning a nominee to interrupt. At one point during the Supreme Court confirmation hearings this morning, Senator Thom Tillis, Republican of North Carolina, did just that, apologizing to Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson as he did so and explaining he had only four minutes left.

But Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, took it to another level one that made the interruptions themselves, not the content of the questions and answers, the main feature of his line of questioning.

During Grahams exchange with Jackson on Wednesday, she asked for permission to speak multiple times, with Senator Richard J. Durbin, a Democrat and the chair of the Judiciary Committee, occasionally hopping in to help. When Jackson did speak, Graham shook his head dismissively or fidgeted in his chair, trying to jump in.

Toward the end of his line of questioning, our colleague Catie Edmondson described audible groaning and noises of protest from many of the spectators as Graham interrupted her. When his time was up, he left the dais.

Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, later tried to one-up Graham, refusing to stop talking when his time was up. When he asked Durbin why he wouldnt allow his last question, Durbin said, You wouldnt allow her to answer anyway.

And what was Cruzs excuse for more time? Durbin wouldnt stop interrupting him.

Thanks for reading. Well see you tomorrow.

Blake & Leah

Is there anything you think were missing? Anything you want to see more of? Wed love to hear from you. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com.

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The Democrat the White House Fears the Most - The New York Times