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ANALYSIS/OPINION:

Liberals are overreaching with impeachment, just like they did in my recall. It could cost them the 2020 election.

On Nov. 2, 2010, I won the first of three elections for governor in Wisconsin. That same day, someone registered the domain name RecallScottWalker.com. They were out to get me from day one. This is one of many striking similarities between the current impeachment process in Washington and the recall election in Wisconsin.

Since Donald J. Trump was elected president on Nov. 6, 2016, liberals have been preparing to impeach him. I remember running into protesters in Washington, D.C., the day after the inauguration. They had a massive march less than 24 hours after he took office.

In Wisconsin, I took office on Jan. 3, 2011. More than 100,000 protesters eventually occupied our state Capitol.

U.S. Rep. Al Green, Texas Democrat, is now pushing for impeachment for this fourth time. He started in 2017. Earlier this year, he said, Im concerned that if we dont impeach this president, he will get reelected. Hours after being sworn into Congress, U.S. Rep. Rashida Tlaib said, Were gonna impeach the motherf

The night when President Trump gave his first address to a joint session of Congress, I was on television with host Neil Cavuto. He mentioned that several members of Congress were going to boycott the speech and asked if I had ever heard of such a thing. I said, yes! He laughed. I knew exactly what he was talking about.

Shortly after the protests started, 14 Senate Democrats left the state to block a vote on our reforms. They fled to the neighboring state of Illinois (where they must have felt welcome as left-wing politicians who were afraid to make decisions to balance the budget and improve the economy). When I gave my budget address to the members of the state Legislature, all the Senate Democrats were gone.

[My favorite bumper sticker after we won said: 1 Walker Beats 14 Runners.]

After months of saying that an impeachment process must be bipartisan to move forward, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced the impeachment inquiry on the day President Trump spoke to the United Nations in New York City. She had not even seen the transcript of the call with the president of Ukraine yet she was announcing an inquiry.

During the protests in Wisconsin leading up to my recall election, numerous voices on the left suggested that the effort might backfire. They urged Democratic leaders to wait for the 2014 reelection and use the energy of the protests to elect a Democratic governor.

Like Mrs. Pelosis switch, liberal extremists took over the movement. They wanted blood and they wanted it right away.

Many of these activists lived in liberal enclaves like Madison, Wisconsin. Years ago, then-Gov. Lee Sherman Dreyfus called the capital city, 30 square miles surrounded by reality. The only thing that had changed since then was the size of the city.

One of the few supporters I had on the staff of the University of Wisconsin Madison told of how depressed he was on campus and around town. Everywhere he looked there were Recall Walker signs. His attitude changed when he and his wife took a drive to a town miles away. Once they crossed the county line, they began to notice We Stand with Walker signs everywhere along their journey. It was then that they realized we had a fighting chance.

In many ways, the same is true today. Support or disdain for the president generally matches the geography of the Election Night map in 2016. Protesters from liberal enclaves like New York, Washington, D.C. and San Francisco believe that everyone hates the president. All of their friends and co-workers share that sentiment (or are afraid to say otherwise) and the same is true with their friends and followers on social media.

During the protests and the recall election campaign, we saw incredibly favorable coverage for the opposition. President Trump has to deal with elements of fake news each day. And it goes beyond traditional media outlets. Increasingly, people on social media tend to pick the news that associates with their point of view.

In the end, the protests and, ultimately, the recall energized our base. Surprisingly, it also turned off a majority of independent voters. They believed that the process was not fair. We won the recall election with more votes than in the original election.

I believe that the same thing can happen with President Trump. Recent polls in Wisconsin and other battleground states suggest that Democrats have overplayed their hands. The public is growing increasingly frustrated with the Do Nothing Democrats.

As we did during the recall campaign, the president should continue to show how he is fighting for the American people and winning. Not only will that energize Republicans, but it will also remind independents about what really is at stake in the 2020 elections.

Scott Walker was the 45th governor of Wisconsin. You can contact him at [emailprotected] or follow him @ScottWalker.

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Democrats' Trump impeachment could cost them the 2020 election - Washington Times

Democrats are rightfully ecstatic that they won two of the three 2019 elections for governor in deep red Southern states, overcoming relentless campaign visits by President Donald Trump. But in truth, their twin triumphs had less to do with Trump and more to do with GOP Gov. Matt Bevin's toxicity in Kentucky and Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards's popularity in Louisiana.

Edwards and Democratic Gov.-elect Andy Beshear ran well ahead of Hillary Clinton's 2016 support virtually everywhere in their states. But the results also reaffirmed where Democrats' true opportunity lies in 2020: suburbs with lots of college-educated whites.

Democratic victories in Kentucky (where Trump won by a huge 30 points in 2016) and Louisiana (where Trump won by 20 points), are all the more impressive because turnout skyrocketed compared to the races four years ago. In Kentucky, the number of votes cast spiked 51 percent over 2015, and in Louisiana, votes cast surged 31 percent far higher than the 21 percent increase in Mississippi, where Democrats fell short.

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But a closer look at the results suggests it wasn't necessarily higher turnout that put Edwards and Beshear over the top. In both Kentucky and Louisiana, turnout surged strongly in both heavily blue and heavily red parts of each state, suggesting both Trump and the Democrats were effective in galvanizing their supporters to the polls.

Instead, the difference-maker in both cases was big Democratic gains in those suburbs that have high shares of college-educated white voters. For example, Edwards won 57 percent in Jefferson Parish, just outside New Orleans, compared with 51 percent in his 2015 race. And Beshear took 42 percent of the vote in Boone County, just outside Cincinnati, Ohio, compared with 32 percent for Democrat Jack Conway four years prior.

Overall, Democrats' narrow wins in both races wouldn't have been possible without changing suburban attitudes. In the aggregate, blue gains in the 20 Kentucky counties and Louisiana parishes with the highest shares of whites with college degrees concentrated in the New Orleans, Baton Rouge, Louisville, Lexington and Cincinnati metro areas were barely enough to offset Republican gains elsewhere.

The continued migration of highly college-educated suburbs away from Republicans in the Trump era is welcome news for Democrats. The Kentucky and Louisiana results are a continuation of midterm gains for Democrats in places like the suburbs of Dallas, Houston, Phoenix, Charleston and Oklahoma City.

However, robust turnout in more rural parts of Kentucky and Louisiana is a silver lining for Trump. More critically, Democratic gains among suburban college-educated whites and relative stagnation among other voters could actually widen Trump's advantage in the Electoral College relative to the popular vote.

Of the dozen states where college graduates make up over 40 percent of all eligible white voters California, Colorado, Connecticut, the District of Columbia, Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York and Virginia none are likely to be decisive in the race for the Electoral College.

In other words, unless Democrats are able to retain support among other groups in states like Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, they risk further adding to their vote-wasting problem in 2020, which could allow Trump to win re-election while losing the popular vote by 5 million or possibly more.

David Wasserman

David Wasserman, House editor for The Cook Political Report, is an NBC News contributor and senior analyst with the NBC Election Unit.

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Democrats are making big gains in the suburbs. Here's why that may not be enough to beat Trump. - NBC News

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b : one who practices social equality

2 capitalized : a member of the Democratic party of the U.S.

a true democrat, he has always abhorred that nation's class system

These example sentences are selected automatically from various online news sources to reflect current usage of the word 'democrat.' Views expressed in the examples do not represent the opinion of Merriam-Webster or its editors. Send us feedback.

1789, in the meaning defined at sense 1a

borrowed from French dmocrate, derivative from the base of dmocratie democracy or dmocratique democratic, probably after aristocrate aristocrat

More Definitions for democrat

1 : a person who believes in or practices democracy

2 capitalized : a member of the Democratic party of the United States

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Democrat | Definition of Democrat by Merriam-Webster

For over a century, the Democratic Party dominated Georgia state and local politics.

From 1872 to 2002, the Democratic Party controlled the Governor's Mansion, both houses of the state legislature and most statewide offices.

In 1976, Democratic Governor Jimmy Carter (1971-1975) was elected the 39th President of the United States.

After switching to the Republican Party in 1998, Sonny Perdue went on to defeat Democrat Roy Barnes in the 2002 gubernatorial election. Perdue's unexpected victory marked the beginning of a decline for the Democratic Party of Georgia.

Georgia House Speaker Tom Murphy, the longest serving Speaker in any state legislature, lost his bid for another term in the state House.[1] Four Democrats in the Georgia State Senate changed their political affiliation, handing the upper house to the GOP. And in 2004, the Democratic Party lost control of the Georgia House of Representatives, putting the party in the minority for the first time in Georgia history.

The Democratic Party of Georgia entered the 2010 elections with hopes that former Governor Roy Barnes could win back the Governor's Mansion. Polls showed a tight race between Barnes and Republican gubernatorial nominee Nathan Deal,[2] with some predicting a runoff election.[3] However, on election day, Republicans won every statewide office.[4]

The Chairman of the Democratic Party of Georgia is Nikema Williams. Porter was elected in August 2013 via special election and was reelected in January 2015 to serve a full four-year term. In 2019, First Vice Chair Nikema Williams was voted to succeed him.

Seven individualsChairman DuBose Porter, First Vice Chair Nikema Williams, Wendy Davis, former state AFL-CIO President Richard Ray, Sally Rosser, State Representative Pamela Stephenson and former state Democratic Party Chairman David Worleywere elected to represent Georgia on the Democratic National Committee.

State Representative Robert Trammell serves as Minority Leader in the Georgia House of Representatives.[5] State Senator Steve Henson serves as Minority Leader in the Georgia Senate.[6]

Officers of the Democratic Party of Georgia are elected by the state Democratic committee at a January meeting following each regular gubernatorial election.[7] Democratic Party of Georgia officers serve four-year terms, and there is no limit on the number of terms an individual can serve as a Democratic Party of Georgia officer. Below are the current officers of the Democratic Party of Georgia:[8]

Five Democrats represent Georgia in the United States House of Representatives. The Democrats do not hold either of the two United State Senate seats. To date, the last Democratic senator from Georgia was Zell Miller, serving from 2000 to 2005.

Members of United States Congress

The Democratic Party of Georgia controls none of the fourteen state constitutional offices. The Democrats control 20 of the 56 senatorial seats and 63 of 180 state house seats. Two-year terms of office apply to both houses, and the entire membership of each body is elected at the same time in even-numbered years.

Since 1948, the Democrats have secured the state of Georgia 7 times, while the Republican party secured Georgia 8 times. However, during the past 6 presidential elections, the Democrats won the state of Georgia only once, in 1992. Bill Clinton won 43.47% of the vote while incumbent President George H.W. Bush carried 42.88%, while losing his quest for a 2nd term.

Originally posted here:
Democratic Party of Georgia - Wikipedia

Elections in New Jersey are authorized under Article II of the New Jersey State Constitution, which establishes elections for the governor, the lieutenant governor, and members of the New Jersey Legislature. Elections are regulated under state law, Title 19. The office of the New Jersey Secretary of State has a Division of Elections that oversees the execution of elections under state law (This used to be the New Jersey Attorney General). In addition, the New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) is responsible for administering campaign financing and lobbying disclosure.

Historically, it has voted about half the time, nationally, for each of the two major parties since 1860.[1] Traditionally a swing state, It has voted Democratic in recent decades. The governorship has alternated between the two major parties since the election of Democrat Richard J. Hughes in 1961, with a succession of Republicans and Democrats serving as governor. The New Jersey Legislature has also switched hands over the years, and one house was evenly divided from 19992001, when the Democrats took control. Three of the last four gubernatorial elections have been close. New Jersey leans Democratic in national elections. The Congressional seats have been as evenly divided over the decades, with little change due to political trends in the state. New Jersey currently has a Democratic governor, Phil Murphy and recently elected their second lieutenant governor, Democrat Sheila Oliver.[2]

At the national level, the state favors the Democratic Party: Both of its Senators have been Democrats since 1982, and George H.W. Bush was the last Republican candidate for President to carry the state, in 1988. However, previous governor Chris Christie was a Republican serving from 2010 to 2018, as was Christine Todd Whitman, who served from 1994 to 2001.

New Jersey is split almost down the middle between the New York City and Philadelphia television markets, respectively the largest and fourth-largest markets in the nation. As a result, campaign budgets are among the largest in the country.

In 1776, the first Constitution of New Jersey was drafted. It was written during the Revolutionary War, and was created a basic framework for the state government. The constitution granted the right of suffrage to women and black men who met certain property requirements. The New Jersey Constitution of 1776[3] allowed "all inhabitants of this Colony, of full age, who are worth fifty pounds proclamation money" to vote. This included blacks, spinsters, and widows; married women could not own property under the common law. The Constitution declared itself temporary, and it was to be void if there was reconciliation with Great Britain.[4][5] Both parties in elections mocked the other party for relying on "petticoat electors" and accused the other of allowing unqualified women to vote.

The second version of the New Jersey State Constitution was written in 1844. The constitution provided the right of suffrage only to white males, removing it from women and black men. Some of the important components of the second State Constitution include the separation of the powers of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The new constitution also provided a bill of rights. The people had the right to directly elect the governor.

In national elections, the New Jersey has recently leaned towards the national Democratic Party.

For much of the second half of the 20th century, New Jersey was one of the most Republican states in the Northeast. It supported Republican presidential candidates in all but two elections from 1952 to 1988. It gave comfortable margins of victory to the Republican candidate in the close elections of 1948, 1968, and 1976. New Jersey was a crucial swing state in the elections of 1960, 1968, and 1992.

However, the brand of Republicanism in New Jersey has historically been a moderate one. As the national party tilted more to the right, the state's voters became more willing to support Democrats at the national level. This culminated in 1992, when Bill Clinton narrowly carried the state, becoming the first Democrat to win it since 1964. Since then, the only relatively close presidential race in New Jersey was in 2004, when Democrat John Kerry defeated George W. Bush in New Jersey by a margin of about seven percentage points. Clinton won it handily in 1996, and Al Gore won it almost as easily in 2000. In the 2008 and the 2012 presidential election, Democrat Barack Obama carried the state by more than 15 percentage points. Hillary Clinton won it by over 14 points in 2016. Indeed, the 2004 election is the only election in recent years where the race hasn't been called for the Democrat soon after the polls closed. As a result, at the presidential level New Jersey is now considered part of the solid bloc of blue states in the Northeast.

The most recent victory by a Republican in a U.S. Senate race in the state was Clifford P. Case's reelection in 1972. Only Hawaii has had longer periods of exclusive Democratic victories in U.S. Senate races. The last Republican to hold a Senate seat from New Jersey was Jeffrey Chiesa, who was appointed a U.S. Senator by Governor Chris Christie in 2013 after Democrat Frank Lautenberg died in office. Chiesa served four months in office and did not seek election in his own right.

After Kean won the biggest victory for a gubernatorial race in New Jersey in 1985, no Republican ever won 50 percent of the vote in a New Jersey election for three decades until Chris Christie was re-elected in 2013 with 60% of the vote. Christine Todd Whitman was elected governor with 49 percent of the vote in 1993 and with 47 percent in 1997.

On November 3, 2009, incumbent Democratic Governor Jon Corzine was unseated by Republican challenger Chris Christie. Christie's margin of victory was 49%-45%.[7] Four years later, Christie was reelected with 60 percent of the vote, becoming the first Republican to clear the 50 percent mark since 1985.

As New Jersey is split almost down the middle between the New York City and Philadelphia television markets, advertising budgets for statewide elections are among the most expensive in the country.

The state's Democratic strongholds include Mercer County around the cities of Trenton and Princeton; Essex and Hudson counties the state's two most urban counties, around the state's two largest cities, Newark and Jersey City; as well as Camden County and New Brunswick/Middlesex County and most of the other urban communities just outside Philadelphia and New York City. The northeastern and southwestern counties, with over two million voters between them, have made it extremely difficult in recent years for a Republican presidential candidate to carry New Jersey. In 2004, for instance, Bush lost the state largely due to being completely shut out in those areas.

The state's more rural to suburban northwestern counties are Republican strongholds, especially mountainous Sussex County, Morris County, Hunterdon County and Warren County. Somerset, a more rural northwestern county, also leans Republican but can be competitive in national races. In the 2004 presidential election, Bush received about 52% in Somerset and 60% in Hunterdon, while in rural Republican Sussex County, Bush garnered 64% of the vote. Parts of rural to suburban northwestern Bergen and Passaic counties which are also mountainous, are also usually Republican.

The southeastern counties along the coast also favor Republicans, notably Ocean County, Monmouth County, and Cape May County. However, Atlantic County, which includes urban Atlantic City, has recently swung Democratic in national elections.

About half of the counties in New Jersey, are considered swing counties, though most lean toward one party, usually the Democrats. For example, Bergen County is solidly Republican in the wealthier and in some places rural and mountainous north and solidly Democratic in the more urbanized south. Due to the influence of the south, Bergen County has not gone Republican in a presidential election since 1992. The same is true of Passaic County which has a densely populated, heavily Hispanic Democratic south and a rural Republican north. Some other counties such as Salem County lean Republican because the urbanized areas in those counties are relatively small compared to those of the more heavily Democratic counties. Statistically, Atlantic County is the most representative county.

Unaffiliated is a status for registered voters in New Jersey. Those voters who do not specify a political party affiliation when they register to vote are listed as unaffiliated.[8] Affiliated voters may change their status to unaffiliated or to another political party if they wish, although any such change must be filed with the state 55 days before the primary election.[8] As of 2017, there were 2.4 million unaffiliated voters in New Jersey, more than members of any party in the state.[9]

New Jersey is a closed primary state.[10] This means that only voters who affiliate with a political party may vote in that party's candidate selection process (i.e., the primary election). However, unaffiliated voters may declare their party affiliation up to and including the day of the primary election.[8] Unaffiliated status does not affect participation in general elections.

Following each decennial census, the New Jersey Redistricting Commission forms to realign the districts. New Jersey currently has 12 House districts In the 116th Congress, eleven of New Jersey's seats are held by Democrats and one is held by a Republican.

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Elections in New Jersey - Wikipedia