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Tunis - The Tunisian branch of the radical Islamist Hizb ut-Tahrir movement, which calls for Islamic law and wants to unify Muslims into a caliphate, said on Saturday it was time to "bury" democracy.

"Democracy no longer attracts anyone," the movement's politburo chief Abderraouf Amri told its annual conference.

"It is time to announce its death and work to bury it."

Hizb ut-Tahrir is banned in several countries and Tunisian authorities regularly accuse it of "disturbing public order".

Hundreds of party members took part in the congress near Tunis, praising "the caliphate, saviour of humanity" and denouncing "persecution" by the democratic system.

It said it was the victim of "attempts to prohibit and hinder" its activities.

Mehdi Ben Gharbia, a minister overseeing relations with civil society, said he had filed a request earlier this month for a one-month suspension of the group's activities over its "attacks against Tunisia's republican system".

Tunisia's government in September asked a military court to outlaw the movement, created in the 1980s but only legalised in 2012 following the overthrow the previous year of longtime strongman Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

Interior Minister Hedi Majdoub has called the group "a party that does not recognise the civilian character of the state".

Hizb ut-Tahrir's 2016 Tunisian conference was banned for "security reasons".

Tunisia has been in a state of emergency since a deadly 2015 jihadist attack against presidential guards.

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Tunisian Islamist party says time to 'bury' democracy - News24

BGA President & CEO Andy Shaw talks about civic disengagement and recent suburban elections in his bi-weekly column for Crain's Chicago Business.

We had an election in the Chicago suburbs on April 4.

Thats not breaking news, except perhaps to 80-plus percent of the registered voters in Cook and the Collar Counties who didnt bother to cast a ballot.

Thats four out of five potential voters who, intentionally or inadvertently, contributed to our national epidemic of civic disengagement and the weakening of an American democracy that depends on informed citizens electing good leaders.

Ladies and gentlemen: Thats a big deal.

So whats going on?

Well, maybe some of the no-shows are simply satisfied with the way their local officials spend their tax dollars.

Perhaps theyre affluent enough to ignore or even accept the waste, inefficiency and occasional corruption in their towns and villages.

Whatever.

Other non-participants may think one vote wont change anythingincumbent Tweedle Dee is no worse than challenger Tweedle Dumso why bother going to a polling place?

A cynical reality.

In extreme cases, theyre so fed up with local government or so disgusted by our increasingly coarse, polarized politics that theyve thrown in the towel.

Sad, but totally understandable.

And finally, the elections themselves, which were characterized by a woeful lack of competition.

In Cook County, 67 percent of the races, or two out of three, were uncontestedthey had only one candidateand 20 races didnt have anyone on the ballot, according to election officials.

A Daily Herald analysis that added in the Collar Counties found only 30 percent of the races had more than one candidate, down from 45 percent eight years ago.

Former Chicago alderman and veteran UIC political scientist Dick Simpsons take: By any statistical measure were a worse democracy today than 40 or even 20 years ago.

Spot on.

Some of the disengagement reflects personal feelings developed over time, and theres no easy way to change that.

But other disincentives to civic participation are bi-products of our rigged election system.

Its still too difficult for hard-working, time-challenged citizens to register, vote, get and stay on the ballot, or even contemplate running for office, and those impediments protect incumbents from challengers.

By gerrymandering the boundaries of electoral districts, letting municipal officials control their local election boards, maintaining obstacles to voter registration and voting itself, and permitting an unregulated deluge of moneymuch of it untraceableto influence election outcomes, political leaders make it harder for potential challengers to run and easier for registered voters not to mark a ballot.

Fortunately there are legislative remedies designed to encourage competition and voter turnout by leveling the playing field.

Reforms worth considering include automatic voter registration, an expansion of early voting, redistricting reform, open instead of party-specific primaries in a month warmer than March, elections on weekends, more campaign finance disclosure, and a mix of public dollars and small donor matching funds to encourage people without deep pockets or special interest backing to run for office.

Those reforms threaten incumbents, including the political ruling class that controls government, so they continue to resist fundamental change.

But our democracy is at stake, and if enough regular citizens fed up with the status quo and committed to fairer elections and better government join the fight for responsible reforms we can get it done.

Americans rose up to evict the British; end slavery, sweatshops and child labor; empower women; and enact civil and gay rights.

I view the challenges and opportunities Ive laid out in this column as a new battleground, and one of this generations most important ones.

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Andy Shaw: Empty Voting Booths A Symbol Of Our Ailing Democracy - Better Government Association

IT WAS NEW YEARS EVE, AND EVERYTHING WAS SUPPOSED TO CHANGE.A number oflocal friendscame over to my apartment in Istanbul, where we toasted the end of 2016the bloodiest year in Turkeys recent history. At midnight, a woman named Ozum screamed with joy: Thank God it's over. Moments later, my WhatsApp erupted with panicked messages from acquaintances who were barhopping that night. A deadly attack had taken place at anightclub called Reina, a short drive away.I rushed to the scene to report on the terror incidentforUSA Today.

I remember the rotating drum of red lights from the ambulance parked outside, along with a man weeping so stiffly he choked. But what lingersmost strongly may be two women in their 20s lurching out of Reina, the first carryingherwounded friend usingone arm;she used the other to support her own injured knee. Together, the two limpedurgently get out of the frenzy. I hurriedto help themand pressed a water bottle to the injured womans mouthso she could drink. She smiled and said Tashakula(thank you).

Once one of the worlds greatempires, Turkeywhich shares its largest borderwithSyriais a member of NATO, and onlyfour years agowas hailed as amodel of democracyby the European Commission, which extended an invitation to join the European Union.

Since then, internal politics and regional meddling by Turkeys sitting party have caused the EU to reconsider its democratic values,freezing its membership process. The nations then-Prime Minister, now President Recep TayyipErdogan, has beenconsolidating powerfor himself, makingnew alliances only to abandonthem, working to instill fear and alack of trust within hisnation so severe that even anattempted military couplast July hasntstopped him.

On Sunday, April 16, Turkey will hold one of the most important votesin itshistory:whether or not to relinquish a parliamentary democracy in favor of an executive presidency (essentially a dictatorship). If thepolls are to be trusted, those in favor of democracy are losing, and the predicted outcome will set a precedent for authoritarian rule that may irreparably disrupt the Middle East and possibly much of the West, as well.

Since he was elected in 2014, Erdogan hasveered down a dangerously tyrannical path, hunting down so-calledterroristsagainst the state, arresting and imprisoning tens of thousands of journalists, human rights activists, lawyers, and security officials, paralyzing national institutions and throwing nearly everyonewhether they support Erdoganor oppose himinto a near-constant state of panic.

Turkish citizens are alert at all times, suspicious of what might lurk around the corner, overly grateful whenever a stretch of time passes and nothing has gone wrong. Each time I see him, my grocer says thingslike this to me: Thank God you were not hurt at Reina. A few weeks later, after a car bomb goes off at a courthouse:Thank God you were not inIzmir. The following month, after a suicide bombing at police headquarters: Thank God you were not inGaziantep. Then we nod at each other, rather than acknowledge our shock that were both still alive aloud.

There is something about living in fear that I dont trust, says my good friend and psychologist Pinar Din, who at 41 has so far been successful in keeping her 2017 resolutionto practice making scrambled eggs and learn how to swim.Ordinary life is her resistance.There is something wrong with silently fearing something. I think we should speak out every time we dont trust something we are told. Pinar often comes by my apartment to seek a couch from which she can furiously typenotes to friends, nudging them to participate in a protest. We must ask, Who is a terrorist? Why cant the government protect us from them? Why are so many people in prison? she writes. We should ask until we find clarity.

Elif Kaya, a 36-year-old who runs a coffee shop in the hip Istanbul neighborhood of Cihangir,is also suspicious of her government for not prioritizing the safety of its citizens. Erdogan is not doing anything for his country. He just wants to draw power for himself, she says. Even if there are terrorists who hurt us, it is the governments job to protect us.

What I saw at that massacre taught me a lot about whats at stake for the Turkish government, its people, and for democratic countries with populist leanings, including France,Britain,and theUnited States. Ozum later told me she wasstunned that the new year didnt bring new tides as shed expected, insteadsnatchingaway any reassurance she hadthat instability would be over soon.For me, what has remained istheperson who rememberedto saythank youin a crisis. Even in daunting times, when our long-standing democratic protections do not hold, theresplenty of reason to keep faith in ourpower to resist.

As Sundays voteapproaches, people rush to ferry boats as if the fear of crowds has completely vanished from their minds. Theres an old saying here in Istanbul,a city of 15 million tobacco-chewing artistsand builders who cross itshistoric bridges over the Bosphorus Strait every day; parents take their childrentograffiti-dottedplaygrounds, and pedestrianshop intotaxicabs during rush hour to race to work,and fishermentoil beneath them just before dawn:We are the bridge people, and for some reason everyone knows that everybody will pass through.

My journalist and writer friend, 43-year-old Ece Temelkuran, puts it more simply:There is a wisdom in this country, to wait for things to be over. I fear that if those who want to resist Erdogan do not come out to vote, waiting for things to pass could be their only option.

Of course, being patient is, in its way, a form of resistance, or at least resilience. It remindsmeofchewed tobaccowretched and somehow beautiful, too. Having spent more two years in and out of Turkey, traveling through its oft-forgotten Kurdish towns along the border, witnessing the flux of refugees from Syria and elsewhere, I can say that the country offers a case study about what can happen when we allow those in power to increase their strength too quickly. But, depending on what happens on Sunday, it may also reveal whats possible when citizens fight back.

Top image:Turkish anti-coup rally in Istanbul via Wikimedia Commons.

Original post:
A Massacre For Democracy - GOOD Magazine

Four ofAfrica's longest-serving leaders, Cameroon's Paul Biya, Angola's Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema and Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, have been in power for more than 35 years as a result of constitutional amendments.

President Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi ran for a third term in 2015 despite a controversy over whether he was eligible to run again. The opposition boycotted the vote and Nkurunziza won. But his re-election led to an outbreak of violence that has killed hundreds and forced more than 400,000 people to flee, according to the UN refugee agency UNHCR.

Rwanda's President Paul Kagame, who has been in office since 2000, changed his country's constitution which allowed him to run again in an election scheduled later this year. The changes mean Kagame could stay in power until 2034.

There is an ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo after President Joseph Kabila moved the elections scheduled for December last year to 2018.

Good leader gone bad

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986 after leading a rebellion against General Tito Okello, upon assuming the leadership of the east African nation, Museveni infamously said: "Africa is tired of leaders who cling to power against the wishes of the masses." However, in 2006, he changed the constitution to enable him run for a record fifth term. Museveni won the 2016 election but key opposition leader Kizza Besigye contested the result. A supreme court later declared the election to be free and fair. Museveni, 72, could become 'president for life' if a request by his ruling National Resistance Movement to remove presidential age limits succeeds.

President Yoweri Museveni has ruled Uganda since 1986 and could become 'president for life'

"Museveni was my hero," said Festus Mogae, former President of Botswana and an Ibrahim Prize holder, in an interview with DW. "But he is an example of people who spoil the good work they have done by overstaying [in power]. Now Museveni is a different Museveni, he talks a different language." Mogae was one of the guests attending the Mo Ibrahim Foundation good governance weekend recently held in Marrakesh.

"It's going to be an absolutely frank discussion," said Ibrahim in his opening remark. "We are going to be politically incorrect as usual," he added. For two consecutive years, Ibrahim's Foundation has been unable to find a perfect candidate for the Mo Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership. The winner is awarded $5 million (4.7 million euros) over ten years plus a $200,000 annually for life.

The former miner became a symbol of resistance against Zimbabwe's long-term president Robert Mugabe. He formed the opposition party "Movement for Democratic Change" and has been arrested, abused and had his skull fractured. There was even an attempt to throw him out of a 10th floor window. After controversial elections in 2008, Tsvangirai signed a power-sharing agreement with Mugabe.

He's one of Africa's oldest long-term opposition figures: Afonso Dhlakama took on the leadership role of guerilla organization RENAMO in 1979 during Mozambique's civil war. RENAMO later transformed itself into a democratic party. But Dhlakama is still known for his belligerent tone and has said he is ready to take up arms again. So far he has made five unsuccessful bids to become president.

Etienne Tshisekedi became justice minister before graduating from university. He later went on to become the first Congolese citizen to obtain a doctorate in law. He served under President Mobutu Sese Seko but later became a critic of the DRC regime and was arrested numerous times. He has been the leading opposition figure since 2001. In 2011, he lost to sitting President Joseph Kabila.

Raila Odinga, the son of Kenya's first vice president, is highly ambitious and hopes one day to become president himself. Together with his father and his brother, he was a member of parliament. But he's by no means a loyal party member - he's changed his party affiliation four times so far. After his third election defeat in 2013 he went to court to contest the outcome - and lost again.

Kizza Besigye used to be a close confidante of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and served as his personal doctor. But he's now an enemy of the state ever since it became clear that he is also striving for power. He has repeatedly been accused of various crimes; he's been arrested and severely beaten. He's been charged with treason for organizing protests against Museveni's re-election in 2016.

Saleh Kebzabo (left) and Ngarlejy Yorongar represent different political camps, but they have been fighting together for political change for years. However, their alliance was weakened before elections this year when they couldn't agree on how to support each other. Meanwhile, President Idriss Deby, who has ruled the country for 26 years, was re-elected for a fifth term.

Jean-Pierre Fabre has always been part of Togo's opposition. He heads the party "National Alliance for Change" and has run twice for president. After his latest defeat in April 2015, he became fed up with the system: he rejected the election results and claimed the vote was rigged. He then went on to proclaim himself president-elect. But it was in vain.

Nana Akufo-Addo's father was Ghana's president in the 70s, but so far, he hasn't been able to fill his shoes. Many people in Ghana ridicule him for his often desperate attempts to win power. They can't relate to the man from the upper class. In November, he wants to try yet again for the third time. It could be his last attempt, since his party is not united.

Author: Gwendolin Hilse / sst

So far, handing over power has been one of the most difficult decision for African leaders since there are less financial supports and assurances against political indictments once they are out of office.

A changing tide?

Since its inception in 2007, the Mo Ibrahim Prize has been awarded to only fivelaureates. They include former South African President Nelson Mandela and Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique.

To qualify for the award, a leader must have left office in the last three years and must have developed his country, strengthened democracy and human rights and pave the way for "sustainable and equitable prosperity".

The foundation's annual governance weekend provides a platform for governments and non-state actors to interact and debate some of the reasons why African leaders stay longer in power. None of the leaders accused of clinging on to power attended the forum. But Ibrahim uses every opportunity to pass his message.

Mo Ibrahim and his foundation seek to encourage democracy and good governance in Africa

"I was speaking to a prime minister at a summit in Switzerland the other day," said Ibrahim as he began a narrative of his interaction with an African politician, whom he did not name. "He said he was going to adopt the Chinese business model in his country. I asked him what the size of his country's population was. He said seven million. I laughed and told him China has a population of 1.2 billion people. Do you think a business model for that amount of people would work for your country? He had no further response."

The tide is however changing. Ghana, lauded as one Africa's beacon of democracy held elections last December with a smooth peaceful transition thereafter. This year, there are fivepresidential elections scheduled to take place in Africa. Kenya is going to the polls on August 8. Liberia, Libya, Rwanda and Somalia all have upcoming presidential elections as well. Sierra Leone has postponed its general elections to early 2018. President Ernest Bai Koroma's reason for the postponement was the outbreak of the Ebola virus. The leader of the small west African state struck his name off the ballot papers as speculations grew that he intended to run for a third term.

The focus once again will be on which president will leave office honorably if they are defeated. It took military intervention to force Gambia's Yahya Jammeh out of office after his shocking losstoincumbent President Adama Barrow. Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir has revealed he will step down in 2020 after his term expires but that remains to be seen.

Originally posted here:
Has democracy failed in Africa? - Deutsche Welle

New York Times

Turkey's Erdogan: Democracy's Savior or Saboteur? New York Times A billboard in Malatya, Turkey, featuring the nation's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, for the Evet (Yes) campaign to expand the constitutional powers of the president. Turkey will vote in a referendum on Sunday. Credit Chris McGrath/Getty Images.

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Turkey's Erdogan: Democracy's Savior or Saboteur? - New York Times