Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

How to Save a Constitutional Democracy review: Of, by, and for the people – The Hindu

The rise of right-wing populists across the world has destabilised constitutional democracy, a form of government that protects citizens against the brute power of majorities on the one hand, and limits the proclivity of elected governments to hold and exercise immense power on the other. Citizens are shielded, and governments controlled by constitutions, institutions, the rule of law, an independent judiciary, fundamental rights, and democratic civil societies.

Populists relentlessly undermine constitutional safeguards by appeals to an undifferentiated and amorphous category called the people, and focus on elections that have brought them to power. Though populists claim that they have reclaimed power from the iron grip of corrupt elites and institutions, citizens have been rendered more not less vulnerable. Unsurprisingly, a veritable publishing industry has grown around the deleterious effect of right-wing populism on constitutional democracy, democratic erosion and decline.

The book under review comes as a proverbial breath of fresh air because it spells out in some detail what the core components of constitutional democracy are. The argument is crisp and clear. The two authors prefer to concentrate on a minimalistic and legalistic approach to democracy, and eschew the complications that presumably stalk political philosophy. Conventional wisdom, they argue, about what properly counts as democracy is hazy. It tends to concentrate heavily on the subjective preferences of voters for this party over that. The core institutions of liberal constitutional democracy, that mutually reinforce each other, are electoral competition, the right to free speech and association, and the rule of law.

Autonomous bureaucracy

The first two are self-explanatory, but the rule of law demands various preconditions: a bureaucracy that is autonomous of the executive, rule-following, and an independent judiciary.

The argument is interesting and weighty tomes can be, and have been written on each of these core components. For example, the preconditions of competitive electoral politics are a level playing field for all parties. Each vote counts for just one, no one should be privileged because he is far, far more influential than others, and no one disadvantaged because she is not influential at all. In political philosophy, however, the right to free speech is tracked by anxious debates on, for example, what counts as limits on this right: sedition, defamation, pornography, incitement to hate and violence, and blasphemy. Finally, the rule of law raises vexed questions about the nature of law, whether law can be its own source and justification, and the right to civil disobedience.

Curbs on media

The problem with a minimalistic institutional approach to democracy is that the power of each one of these institutions can be insistently subverted by, as the authors themselves register, threats that curb the autonomy of the media. Corporate ownership of media houses assures that a compliant media truncates free speech. Rabid nationalism and an irresponsible social media places limits on the right. Above all, draconian laws inhibit opposition. Finally, the authors ask us to imagine a situation where the awesome communicative skills of a leader are combined with (a) an ability to exploit government and (b) tactical skills. Each right-wing populist studied by the authors fits the bill. Populists appeal to, and are elected by social groups who detest inherited privilege, distrust institutions, and above all resent immigrants and strangers who have appropriated land, resources, and employment. No matter that these so-called immigrants might have contributed to the wealth of society through labour.

At the end of the argument, the authors recognise that only public action and collective mobilisation can neutralise democratic decline and erosion. The specific recommendations they make are meant for the United States but hold relevance for us in the postcolonial world. For instance, political parties must not compromise on democratic principles, so that civil and political society can work together. Put otherwise, laws and institutions are tools. And the effects of tools depend upon the motives and good faith of those who wield them.

In the final instance, the effectiveness of institutional design is dependent upon deep political commitment to the value that democracy places upon each citizen. This commitment might be incipient, it might well be sparked off by a social movement or campaign. What is important is that such movements stretch across the political divide and reach out to those who support populist leaders.

Civil society must be inclusive not exclusionary. Right-wing populism can only be fought by a democratically aware civil society. Ultimately, the two authors recognise the power of politics. Politics can be messy but it can be occasionally creative.

How to Save a Constitutional Democracy; Tom Ginsburg and Aziz Z. Huq, Oxford University Press, 1,595.

Neera Chandhoke is a former professor of Political Science of Delhi University.

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How to Save a Constitutional Democracy review: Of, by, and for the people - The Hindu

Tonight’s debate almost didn’t happen, but democracy thrives through honest exchange of ideas | TheHill – The Hill

Loyola Marymount University is proud to host the Sixth Democratic Presidential Primary Debate.We almost lost the opportunity more than once for the very reason we want to host it: because our society exhibits increasing difficulty in navigating disagreement and honoring differences while pursuing solutions that benefit everyone.

In early November, when the Democratic National Committee pulled out of an agreement with UCLA because of a labor dispute with the UC system, LMU was chosen to host.Then, last Friday, a similar controversy threatened to derail the debate, this time involving a dispute between workers on our campus and their employer, Sodexo.

Although LMU was not a party in the negotiation, the labor dispute still threatened the debate.The union had promised to picket the debate over stalled contract talks, and by noon all seven candidates had pledged their support for the workers and the workers struggle forhigher wages and improved health benefits.

LMU consistently urged both parties to negotiate in good faith towards an agreement, and with the help of friends like DNC Chair Tom PerezThomas Edward PerezClintons top five vice presidential picks Government social programs: Triumph of hope over evidence Labors 'wasteful spending and mismanagement at Workers Comp MORE, they succeeded in arriving at an equitable solution. The two sides exhibited the virtues LMU prizes but our society too often lacks listening patiently, honoring differences, and working together to find common ground.

The first time LMU almost lost the debate was within hours of the Democratic National Committees announcement in November. Activists opposed LMUs selection on the grounds that, as a Catholic institution, we should not accommodate candidates whose positions are incongruent with those of the Catholic Church. Others urged the DNC to back out of holding the event at LMU because they made assumptions concerning the universitys policies on health care, gender equity, and inclusiveness.

We knew that hosting the debate would invite such criticism. Despite the fear among some that conflicts between these kinds of opposing ideas may be intractable, our willingness to confront divisive issues head-on is essential to who we are.

LMU has a long history of hosting speakers with varying perspectives. We faced similar criticism when President Bill ClintonWilliam (Bill) Jefferson ClintonIvanka Trump says father is 'energized' by impeachment fight California Gov. Newsom defends 'wine caves' after debate mention Democrats hope to focus public's attention on McConnell in impeachment battle MORE joined us as our commencement speaker in 2016 and when Ben Shapiro spoke on our campus earlier this year.

We hosted these speakers not because all at LMU agreed with their views, but because of our commitment to intellectual debate, which is central to our Jesuit and Marymount identity. We explore all ideas with open hearts and critical minds championing a culture of authentic encounter.

We could shut our doors to opinions deemed unacceptable, or to personalities whom some consider objectionable, but if we did, the lesson to our students would be the opposite of what we aim to impart.

At LMU, we educate with purpose.We challenge our students to use their education for the sake of the common good, which means learning at every turn, slowing down to discern what might otherwise be overlooked and seeking solutions to humankinds most pressing problems for the betterment of all.

We favor engagement over intransigence, because the only way we are going to create the world we want to live in is if we listen to other perspectives, attempt to hear other voices, and meet people where they are.

Since the establishment of the first Jesuit college five centuries ago, Jesuit higher education has prided itself on doing just that. The Jesuit rhetorical arts, a pillar of our core curriculum, demand reflection and compassion in the interest that reason be attained and expressed responsibly, withgrace.

The truth is, while watching the debate, most viewers wont be thinking about where its being held. Their attention will be on what is said, who gets the bump, and ultimately who will win the Democratic Partys nomination: the here and now.However, what our country needs most is routinely open and constructive discussion. Let us embrace the areas where our ideas may be in conflict, with the goal of gaining deeper understanding and finding solutions that build humanitys collective strength.

Reaching accord within a single political party, let alone a nation, is hard enough. But we have a chance, through dialogue, where we listen and question, where each of us is prepared to melt a bit, to move a bit, to walk away changed, through our engagement.

Together, we hold the responsibility for our human future to discern the beauty and truth amidst the tumult, not just on the debate stage, but in our world, as we attempt to accommodate our differences and understand the disconcerting even if that includes being a part of the controversy every now and then.

Timothy Law Snyder, Ph.D. is the President of Loyola Marymount University, which is the venue for the sixthDemocratic Presidential Primary Debateon Dec. 19, 2019. The event may be followed on social media via #DemDebateLMU.

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Tonight's debate almost didn't happen, but democracy thrives through honest exchange of ideas | TheHill - The Hill

Where is the democracy for voters of Scotland? – The National

THURSDAY was politically a massive day for Scotlands future. First was First Minister Nicola Sturgeon demanding negotiations with Westminster to enable the transfer of powers to Holyrood to allow indyref2 to proceed. This would allow the people of Scotland to decide their own future and return democracy and justice to the people of Scotland.

Next was the Queens Speech at Westminster. The programme for government included taking Scotland along with the rest of the UK out of the EU at the end of January, something Scotland did not vote for.

Thankfully Ian Blackford and the SNP group at Westminster presented an alternative Queens Speech that protected our NHS and demanded the freeze on benefits be ended immediately and the roll-out of Universal Credit be halted immediately, issues that affect so many vulnerable and needy on a daily basis.

Prime Minister Boris Johnson is someone Scotland did not vote for, in fact we categorically rejected his party at the recent election in Scotland. Where is the justice and democracy for the voters of Scotland?

Catriona C Clark

Falkirk

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Where is the democracy for voters of Scotland? - The National

Sudan Protesters Mark Anniversary of Uprising That Ousted Omar al-Bashir – Democracy Now!

You trust Democracy Now! to bring you the news stories and global headlines you won't find anywhere else. But did you know that Democracy Now! never accepts money from advertisers, corporate underwriters or governments? This allows us to maintain the editorial independence you rely onbut it also means we need your help. Right now a generous supporter will DOUBLE every donation to Democracy Now!, meaning your gift can go twice as far. Please do your part. It takes just a couple of minutes to make sure that Democracy Now! is there for you and everybody else. Thank you so much!-Amy Goodman

You trust Democracy Now! to bring you the news stories and global headlines you won't find anywhere else. But did you know that Democracy Now! never accepts money from advertisers, corporate underwriters or governments? This allows us to maintain the editorial independence you rely onbut it also means we need your help. Right now a generous supporter will DOUBLE every donation to Democracy Now!, meaning your gift can go twice as far. Please do your part. It takes just a couple of minutes to make sure that Democracy Now! is there for you and everybody else. Thank you so much!-Amy Goodman

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Sudan Protesters Mark Anniversary of Uprising That Ousted Omar al-Bashir - Democracy Now!

The Whistleblower Is a Window Into Our Democracy – The Ringer

Look, I get it. Your eyes crust over when you read this stuff. Mine do too. Im here to talk about the whistleblower as a significant cultural figure in 2019; this piece was my idea and Im already bored with it. The problem with writing about whistleblowers is that it means writing about corporate and governmental malfeasance. The problem with writing about corporate and governmental malfeasance is neatly contained in the soul-crushing word malfeasance itself, with its depth-siren promise of sentences with too many prepositions and timelines you cant follow and language that sounds like it was scraped off the pavement after being struck at high speed by an 800-page committee report. The leak, in 2016, of terabytes of previously unseen financial records, some extending as far back as the 1970s, from the accounts of hundreds of offshore entities, whose intricacies revealed some of the manifold ways in which international banking and legal frameworks may enable the wealthy and powerful to skirt their tax obligations. Sir, I thank you, but no. Fold me into a bright yellow express pack and DHL me into the sun.

It is not human nature to want to pay attention to this stuff. It is human nature to want to pay attention to things that are fun and cool, and that make you feel good about yourself. You dont want to read about high-level regulatory corruption in the Hectare Enforcement Division of the Bureau of Weights and Measures. You want to read about the Rockets. You want to read exquisitely crafted personal essays about how social media is changing the diaphanous landscape of the self. You want to look at pictures of drunk bears. Maybe the bears could be hula hooping? Tolstoy basically wrote War and Peace to demonstrate that even in the midst of world-historic eventsin this case, the Napoleonic Warsmost people are still overwhelmingly focused on their own lives and interests and that this personal and domestic focus is a more powerful shaper of history than the orders given by generals and emperors. Historians may disagree with Tolstoys analysis, but I still say War and Peace is the most incisive novel ever written about human natureonly partly because it includes a chapter about a drunk bear.

So heres how were going to do this. Were going to start by picturing a plane falling out of the sky. Not the actual moment of fiery impact. The moments just before. Say youve just taken off. Youre in your seat, still getting settled, still feeling around for the power outlet so you can charge your phone, and because youre a human being and therefore interested in things that are fun and cool, and that make you feel good, youre not paying attention to the flight path or the sound the engine is making. Youre plopped in 32F, sipping the last of your airport Vitamin Water (they only had dragonfruitblech) and scrolling through the entertainment options. Wow, you can watch The Greatest Showman in so many languages! Youve got to remember to text your friend about this as soon as the Wi-Fi comes on. Which has to be soon, right?

Then the bottom falls out of the plane.

Hold on to that feeling for a secondthe moment when you realize it wasnt just turbulence, the plane wasnt going to right itself, you were falling, it wasnt going to be OK. Well come back to it.

But now lets change stories. Imagine youre a cadet in the Coast Guard Academy. Being in the Coast Guard is something youre serious about. Your dream, even. You cant pass by a coast without thinking, Oh, buddyam I ever going to guard the shit out of you. Because youre a human being and therefore focused on your own life and interests above abstract historical concerns, you dont enter the academy hoping to pay attention to the institutional culture of the Coast Guard; you just want to do your work and get ahead, like everyone else. But your instructors treat you differently from your classmates. You do the same work but get less credit. They insult you in front of your peers. They bully you. They single you out. Luckily, theres a system in place that allows you to report harassment. So you tell your story, trusting that your superiors will make sure youre treated fairly from now on.

Nothing happens to your instructors. Instead, the Coast Guard retaliates against you. Your next performance evaluation is ridiculously, unjustly poor. You spoke up about being mistreated, and now theyre trying to destroy your career.

Hold on to that feeling, alsothe moment you realized the organization that was supposed to protect you from bullying was going to side with your bullies against you. Well come back to this too.

Now imagine your kid is being held in a detention center. Doesnt matter why, doesnt matter how you feel about it. The state says your 8-year-old needs to be locked up, so hes locked up. But hes really, really sick. The state, in taking charge of him, also took responsibility for his health. But the medics who come in to look at him say hes fine, its nothing serious. Hes getting worse. But even though they barely examined him in the first place, they wont do anything more. Theres nothing you can do.

And thats a third feeling for youthe moment you realized you were powerless to help your own child.

These three stories are not metaphors. They actually happened to real human beings. Two Boeing 737 Max airliners crashed in late 2018 and early 2019, killing 346 people, everyone on board, all passengers and crew members on both flights. A Coast Guard officer who correctly reported harassment through officially approved channels was punished by her bosses. And ICE systematically denied adequate health care to immigrants held in its prisons, leading to multiple deaths and preventable crises. In 2017, an 8-year-old boy had to have part of his forehead surgically removed to stop an infection inside his skull. It had been left untreated after an ICE medical team diagnosed the excruciating weeks-old pain in his head as swimmers ear.

None of these tragedies happened randomly or through bad luck. They all happened becauselets avoid the language of malfeasance heresome evil assholes were willing to hurt and even kill other people if it meant making more money, or protecting their own power, or getting ahead. Boeing executives, we now know, rushed the development of the 737 Max, cutting corners in order to meet their launch targets, because who cares about passenger safety when the stock price is at stake? Coast Guard officers broke their own rules in order to preserve their complicity in an ingrained culture of abuse. And ICEwell, lets just say that its hard to imagine that an excessive concern for the welfare of immigrant children is the path to the top of that particular organization.

We know this stuff happened because regular people came forward and told us. When you think of the word whistleblower, you probably think of The Whistleblower, the still-technically-anonymous (but-Republicans-are-openly-saying-his-name-on-the-House-floor) intelligence officer whose report on President Trumps attempt to extort Ukraine into investigating Joe Bidens son led directly to our current impeachment crisis. But the fact is that a lot of dark things are happening all the time in this country, some of them right out in the open but a lot of them in secret, and the only way we ever find out about most of the secret ones is that some regular person decides not to act like a gangsterdecides, in other words, that theres a moral value higher than institutional loyalty. Whistleblowers are the most significant cultural figures of this year not just because one of them precipitated historic impeachment proceedings against an American president, but also because no one more vividly symbolized the plight of the well-meaning citizen in a democracy sliding over the edge of normalcy. No one more eloquently conveyed how regular people can, and also cant, fight back.

Whistleblowers didnt, in the parlance of internet year-end roundups, win 2019the opposite is closer to the truthbut no one else told us as much about where we are as a country, or about where were heading. The beeping of a life-support system doesnt win a hospital room.

Still, whistleblowers were everywhere in 2019. This was the year when the least anonymous whistleblower alive, Edward Snowden, published a bestselling memoir. It was the year when Steven Soderbergh released a movie about the Panama Papers, the terabytes of previously unseen financial records, some extending as far back as the 1970s, from the accounts of hundreds of offshore entities, etc., which were sent to journalists by an anonymous whistleblower in 2016. It was the year when Chelsea Manning, fresh off a failed Senate run, went back to jail for refusing to testify against WikiLeaks. It was the year the production company behind The Farewell and A Beautiful Day in the Neighborhood announced a new biopic about Reality Winner, the whistleblower who, two years ago, leaked a classified NSA report about Russian meddling in the 2016 election. Winner will be directed by Susanna Fogel, and will treat its protagonistwhos still in prisonas a mouthpiece for a generation of young people who are struggling to square their personal ethics with the crumbling ethics of our countrys institutions.

It was the year when dozens of new whistleblowers came forward, far too many to list here. The three I highlighted above arent the biggest of the year; theyre the biggest of mid-December, thanks to a pair of congressional hearings and a BuzzFeed News report on health care in ICE detention centers. If you want to know how bad things really are out there, set a Google alert for whistleblower. Theres no quicker way to get a deep sense of the algae bloom of institutional corruption currently underway in America. Everywhere you lookbanks, businesses, police departments, local governments, regulatory agencies, the White Housethe biggest cheaters have control of the rulebooks. Where you once had the idea that American institutions were relatively clean, though with inevitable pockets of corruption here and there, these days its easy to feel that the scam has metastasized, spun itself up into something bigger than a scam, something more like a default atmosphere. In a world where energy lobbyists run the EPA, corruption is the expected state; whats abnormal are the occasional pockets of holdout integrity. Thats the context in which the whistleblowers of 2019 spoke up. Of course, there are whistleblowers with bad motives and whistleblowers who lie outright because human beings are human beings, and a percentage of them, in any conceivable category, will always be terrible. But for many whistleblowers, in this climate, coming forward represents an extraordinary act of faith in a democratic society. You have special insight into how badly broken the system is; now, youre trusting the system to protect you as it heals itself.

Hard polling data on whistleblowers as a class is hard to come by, in part because whistleblower stories tend to be dominated by single individuals: Assange, Snowden, Manning, etc. Theres evidence to suggest that the public regards individual whistleblowers of the charismatic Wiki-hacker type with ambivalence; thats what polling from the 2010s tends to suggest, and its in keeping both with our general polarization and with the legitimately complex nature of some high-profile whistleblowers leaks. This is another reason whistleblowers are so fascinating: how you feel about, say, Snowdens actions is a valid key to your deepest feelings about the whole concept of a democratic state. Do you accept the idea that successful statecraft requires secrecy? Do you think citizens have a right to know what their government does? What wins out between those two imperatives? What do you think matters more, following orders or following your conscience? Many whistleblowers end up facing criminal prosecution or de facto exile, which suggests that leaders who like their executive authority unchecked, a designation that includes Barack Obama as well as George W. Bush and Trump, feel they have political cover for going after them. But the persecution goes only so farObama commuted Mannings sentenceand is balanced to some extent by signs of cultural approval. On the one hand, accusations of treason. On the other, awards, book sales, laudatory biopics.

I have never achieved a sufficient level of political sophistication to understand how anyone can feel that the person spying on them is their friend, and the person who exposes the spying is their enemy. But then, if democracy were straightforward, I guess wed be better at having it. In any case, it makes sense that the public view of whistleblowers would be conflicted, because one of the pictures that emerges from a consideration of whistleblowers in 2019 is of a country that no longer knows itself. Whistleblowers are the system-failure warning of a nation thats changing from one thing into something else, without knowing how or why. That is: American society is already corrupt enough to generate a steady stream of whistleblowers. But its still idealistic enough to give many of them a high-profile hearing (in the media, before Congress). But then its teetering so wildly between those two alternatives that its just as likely to punish them as to act on their revelations. Often, in fact, it does both.

The other picture that emerges is of the nature of the wrongdoing itself. Remember what we were saying about hard-to-follow timelines and sentences with too many prepositions? Much of the institutional crime thats being committed in America is nightmarishly, spectacularly dull and hard to follow. It involves chains of shell companies, misfiled expense assessments, and appropriations accounts routed through improper channels. It wouldnt make for a remotely listenable true-crime podcast. (And then the executive waived mandatory reporting on the independent safety audit: A sentence that might kill several hundred people, but wont sell a lot of ad reads.) Even the impeachment of the president, with its background of indeterminate meetings between intermediaries and email threads and back-channel phone calls that happenedwhen exactly?lacks the punch of a good story. Its a stunning, historic event; it is also kind of boring to think about.

And this is by designif not intentional design, then by a kind of Darwinian channeling. Because democratic institutions can maintain their integrity only when people care and pay attention. Absolutely the best friend that abuse of power can have, it turns out, is your natural, human, Tolstoyan desire not to be bored out of your mind reading the eighth paragraph of a news article on a Tuesday, and theres someone called Aldringham in it, and you cant remember who Aldringham is, and none of it has anything to do with youexcept that the fate of the world may hang on it, which doesnt seem all that relevant when you have 12 tabs open on a Tuesday. The people who are cheating you and running the world have figured out how to make the process of doing those things look really, really tedious; if they had accidentally made global domination look fun and cool, theyd never have gotten away with it. Trump is useful, in this sense, because hes so good at being Not Boring about stuff thats slightly extraneous; hes the magicians bejeweled left hand flitting over the cards while the boring old right sneaks the ace in his pocket.

The whistleblower is the person saying, hey, its in his pocket. And maybe it worksmaybe youre listening. But maybe youre paying attention to something else, because this movie is kind of slow, and you still have five hours to go on this flight, and was someone just talking about cards for some reason? And then you dont look up until the bottom of the plane falls out.

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The Whistleblower Is a Window Into Our Democracy - The Ringer