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Today, Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-VA), Rep. Mario Daz-Balart (R-FL), Rep. Ami Bera (D-CA), and Rep. Andy Barr (R-KY), Co-Chairs of the Congressional Taiwan Caucus, introduced a resolution commending Taiwan for its history of democratic elections and expressing support for Taiwans democratic institutions. The resolution is cosponsored in the House by Reps. Mike Gallagher (R-WI) and Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL), the Chairman and Ranking Member of the Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party, as well as Rep. Michael McCaul (R-TX), the Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Senator Dan Sullivan (R-AK) and Senator Tim Kaine (D-VA) introduced a companion resolution in the US Senate.

Introduction of the resolution comes ahead of Taiwans elections on January 13, 2024, the eighth presidential election and tenth legislative elections since Taiwan began its transition to democracy.

Now more than ever, it is imperative that the United States stands in total solidarity with Taiwan and its commitment to democracy, said Congressman Connolly. In the face of relentless threats and intimidation from the Peoples Republic of China, Taiwans leadership as a global leader in public health, advanced manufacturing, and democratic governance underscore the importance of protecting democratic institutions and rejecting authoritarianism at home and abroad.

The United States and Taiwan share core values, including a commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. The robust relationship between the U.S. and Taiwan is key to our national security, benefits the global community and is critical to prosperity in the region. As Taiwan faces growing threats to its democracy and security from Communist China, this resolution reaffirms our unwavering commitment to Taiwan, said Congressman Daz-Balart.

Taiwan stands as a vibrant democracy and a shining beacon of freedom and the rule of law in the Indo-Pacific. I commend the people of Taiwan on the upcoming eighth presidential election, a testament to their strong commitment to democratic governance despite disinformation and coercion from Beijing. The United States remains steadfast in support of the people of Taiwan and our shared commitment to democratic values and the rule of law, said Congressman Bera.

Taiwan is a trusted partner for the United States and maintains the right to conduct free and fair elections, said Congressman Barr. With the Chinese Communist Party increasing aggression toward Taiwan, it is more important now than ever that we renew our commitment to support a democratic Taiwan.

As the Chinese Communist Party ramps up disinformation about Taiwan, democracies around the world must support Taiwans democratic process, said Chairman McCaul. This resolution affirms Congress support of Taiwan as a beacon of democracy in the Indo-Pacific and the Taiwanese peoples wishes.

The resolution is cosponsored by the following Representatives: Titus, Balderson, Moskowitz, Mooney, McGovern, Fleischmann, Costa, Tiffany, Doggett, Issa, Norcross, Malliotakis, Tokuda, Kelly (MS), Castro, Hinson, Green (TX), Radewagen, Lieu, Loudermilk, Wilson (FL), Waltz, Pallone, Kean, Gallego, Moran, Kaptur, Ciscomani, Peters, Ogles, Adams, Carter, Napolitano, Kim, and Kiggans.

Full text of the resolution is available here and below.

RESOLUTION

Commending Taiwan for its history of democratic elections, and expressing support of Taiwan in the preservation of its democratic institutions.

Whereas Taiwan began transitioning to a liberal democracy in the late 1980s, lifting martial law in 1987 and holding the first direct legislative election in 1992 and the first direct presidential election in 1996;

Whereas Taiwan has now held 7 presidential, 9 legislative, and many local elections since the democratic transition, all of which were free, fair, and representative of the will of the people of Taiwan;

Whereas Taiwan has peacefully transferred presidential power between political parties 3 times and peacefully transferred parliamentary power between political parties 3 times;

Whereas the peaceful transfer of power is a bedrock of a free, stable, and representative political system;

Whereas the democratic institutions of Taiwan respect the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and religion, and the citizens of Taiwan have exercised these freedoms in practice, building a vibrant civil society, strong journalistic and media sector, and an advanced business community;

Whereas the rule of law and vibrant civil society, diverse economy, and stable political system form the basis for the prosperity and freedoms of Taiwan, which rank far above the global average;

Whereas the liberty enjoyed by the residents of Taiwan stands in stark contrast to the dictatorship of the proletariat experienced by the residents of the Peoples Republic of China;

Whereas, from 1949 until today, the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan have stood as partners against coercion, threats of war, and armed attacks from the Peoples Republic of China; and

Whereas, on January 13, 2024, Taiwan will hold its eighth presidential election and tenth legislative election since beginning the transition to democracy, after which a new president, vice president, and legislature will take office:

Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the House of Representatives

(1) commends Taiwan for the example it has set for self-governance, not just for the Pacific region, but for the world;

(2) regards the democracy of Taiwan as a great strategic strength for the free world and an indispensable component of contemporary United States-Taiwan relations;

(3) remains concerned about interference in Taiwans 2024 elections by the Chinese Communist Party;

(4) is committed to continuing a strong partnership across diplomatic, information, military, economic, and cultural domains, regardless of the outcome of Taiwans 2024 elections; and

(5) is committed to supporting Taiwans self defense and the liberty of its people through effective deterrence using all elements of United States power.

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Taiwan Caucus Co-Chairs Introduce Resolution in Support of Democracy in Taiwan - Gerry Connolly

This year, a dizzyingly diverse array of countriesfrom the most populous (India), to one of the least (Palau)will hold national elections. Some will be fully in the global limelight, such as those in Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Many others will attract relatively little international attention, even though they will be of great importance to their citizens and neighbors. In some, the outcomes are already predictable; for others, uncertainty prevails.

Thomas Carothers, co-director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peaces Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program, is a leading expert on comparative democratization and international support for democracy.

This notable run of elections will take place in a global context defined by an ongoing democratic recession and ever-intensifying geopolitical tensions among major powers. Many of the elections will have significant consequences for one or the otheror bothof these defining trends.

However, 2024s elections do not revolve around a single overarching issue or vector, such as the rise of right-wing illiberalism or the spread of toxic political polarization. Instead, they fall along a more differentiated spectrum, defined by at least five major categories.

Some elections, whether presidential or legislative or both together, will take place in countries where autocracy has already taken root. These include Belarus, Iran, Rwanda, Russia, and Venezuelaall of which are rated as not free in Freedom Houses Freedom in the World 2023 report. Rubber-stamping will likely occur in most, but not necessarily all, of these cases. In Venezuela, for example, the opposition maintains at least some capacity, despite the strenuous efforts by the regime to limit its space and reach. And even where incumbents fully dominate the process, how they position themselves in their campaigns and how well they succeed in mobilizing turnout can be informative about their political strengths and weaknesses.

Other elections will be in countries that have been experiencing significant democratic backsliding but are not yet fully autocratic, such as El Salvador, Georgia, India, Mozambique, and Pakistan. At issue will be whether the elections outcomes reinforce and deepen their undemocratic slide or breathe new political oxygen into constricted systems.

Uncertainty will be much more widespread in the sizable set of elections taking place where democracy has been facing serious tremors from surging illiberal political currents, punishing economic crises, debilitating governance shortcomings, or other woes. These include the elections in Ghana, Indonesia, Mexico, Senegal, South Africa, Sri Lanka, the United Kingdom, and the United States, and for the European Parliament. In these cases, whether the elections will end up fueling greater democratic shakiness or putting the countries on a firmer democratic footing is an overriding question.

Another sizable set of elections will take place in political contexts of relative democratic normality. These include the elections to be held in Austria, Belgium, Croatia, Finland, Palau, Panama, Portugal, Romania, and Uruguay. These contests will present voters with important choices between contending sides, but not ones where democracy itself seems to be fundamentally at risk. However, potential gains by far-right parties in some of these countriesincluding Austria, Belgium, and Portugalworry some observers.

Finally, in some countries that have experienced coups or other types of serious internal conflict, rulers have promised elections in 2024, but whether they will be reasonably free and fairif they happen at allis unclear.* This is the case in Chad, Mali, and South Sudan. If the votes are carried out in an orderly and genuinely competitive fashion, they could represent democratic openings, albeit very tentative ones.

On the geopolitical front, some elections will present voters with choices between sharply varying foreign policy orientations. The outcomes of these elections may therefore have significant regional or global implications relating to international peace and security. The United States is a major case in this regard, given the differences in foreign policy outlook between President Joe Biden and his most likely opponent, Donald Trump. If the European Parliament elections see a sharp rightward turn, the implications for EU foreign policy would likely be considerable, whether relating to migration, China, or Russia.

Elections in some smaller places may also have weighty international implications. Taiwan is perhaps the most important example, where the direction of the islands relations with China depends in some part on which party wins the January balloting. Divisions over policy toward China will be less intense but still salient in South Koreas legislative elections later in the year. In somewhat parallel fashion, the outcome of Georgias elections will be consequential for the countrys relationship with Russia, and by extension, regional security in the Caucasus. And if Venezuela does manage to hold genuinely competitive elections, one important element will be the potential continuation or reversal of the countrys long-standing hard-left foreign policy orientation, with major consequences for larger regional dynamics.

In short, the outcomes of many of this years elections will be critical to understanding the advance or retreat of democracy in the world and the intensification or easing of security tensions in multiple regions. For this reason, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is launching its Global Elections 2024 series. Once or twice each month, Carnegie will offer incisive videos and commentaries by leading country experts about key elections on the horizon, focusing on whats at stake in the elections, both for the country in question and for the regional and global dynamics at play.

*Correction, January 12, 2024: This sentence has been updated to more accurately reflect South Sudans political situation.

Read more:
Democracy and Geopolitics Are on the Ballot in 2024 - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Huang Chen-yu strode onto an outdoor stage in a southern Taiwanese county, whooping and hollering as she roused the crowd of 20,000 into a joyous frenzy to welcome a succession of politicians in matching jackets.

Taiwan is in the final days of its presidential election contest, and the big campaign rallies, with M.C.s like Ms. Huang, are boisterous, flashy spectacles as if a variety show and a disco crashed into a candidates town hall meeting.

At the high point of the rally, the Democratic Progressive Partys presidential candidate, Lai Ching-te, was introduced to the crowd in Chiayi, a county in southern Taiwan. Ms. Huang roared in Taiwanese, Frozen garlic!

The phrase dongsuan sounds like get elected and, yes, also like frozen garlic. Ms. Huang and another M.C. led the crowd of supporters, now on their feet, in a rapid-fire, call-and-response chant: Lai Ching-te! Frozen garlic! Lai Ching-te! Frozen garlic! Then they sped up: Lai Ching-te! Lai Ching-te! Lai Ching-te! Frozen garlic! Frozen garlic! Frozen garlic!

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Taiwan Democracy Is Loud and Proud - The New York Times

2024 is going to be democracys biggest year ever. In a remarkable milestone in human history, over four billion people more than half of the worlds population across more than 40 countries will go to the polls.

National elections will be held in the United States, India, Indonesia, Russia, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Taiwan, Mexico, and South Africa to name just a few. The European Union will also go to the polls. This busy calendar of elections is as extraordinary for the diversity of nations and peoples participating as it is for its huge scale.

Its tempting to see this record as a triumph for democracy as the dominant organising principle for governing people in the modern world. But a closer examination shows democracy is at risk on many fronts. While these challenges take different forms in different jurisdictions, some clear patterns emerge. 2024 is going to be a rugged year for democracy, but there is still cause for cautious optimism about its future.

Heres a rundown of just some of the significant elections that will shape the world in 2024.

Read more: There will be more elections in 2024 than ever before here's how it could affect financial markets

The most high-stakes election of 2024 will be the US general election for the president, house of representatives and senate in November. For decades America has stood as the worlds most powerful democracy and a guarantor (if a flawed one) of democratic governments the world over.

Donald Trump is the likely Republican nominee. In his previous term as President he did more than any previous chief executive to undermine democracy according to a Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) analysis.

Now he is promising to punish his political opponents, override the independence of the Department of Justice and extend presidential power into non-political areas of government administration.

This prompted President Joe Biden to warn that Democracy is on the ballot in the 2024 Presidential vote.

At this stage, US voters do not seem to care too much, with Trump ahead in many key opinion polls.

The rise of democracy in India and Indonesia, the worlds second and fourth most populous nations, has been a game changer for the global advancement of human freedoms. The sheer scale of the elections in these developing nations, with a combined population of 1.7 billion, is also a miracle in modern administration.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi seems almost certain to be returned for a third term in an election to be likely held between April and May.

While Indonesian Defence Minister, Prabowo Subianto, is the clear frontrunner to become the next president of the worlds largest Muslim nation in February.

In both cases, there is the risk these strongman leaders will win power in free and fair elections but then oversee illiberal policies that put democratic institutions under strain.

The UK is likely to go to a general election in the second half of 2024. Current polling suggests it will result in the first change of government in 14 years with victory for the Labour Party led by Keir Starmer.

If that happens, it will be a reminder of democracys ability to enable the transfer of political power between opposing interests without widespread bloodshed something humankind has failed at for most of history.

Other elections in Europe will be a barometer of the standing of the populist far right.

The success of anti-Islam extremist Geert Wilders in elections in the Netherlands in November means many analysts are now predicting the far right will enjoy a surge in support in European parliament elections in June, as well as national elections in Austria, Belgium, Croatia and Finland.

Read more: Why the 2024 election cycle could result in more threats to US democracy

National elections are occurring in a dozen countries in Africa this year including Rwanda, Ghana, Tunisia, South Sudan and Algeria. But most attention will be on the mid-year election in South Africa which will be the most important since the end of apartheid in 1994.

Current polls suggest that after three decades in power the African National Congress (ANC) will not be able to garner the necessary 50% of votes needed to govern in its own right, bringing to an end 30 years of one-party rule.

Special mention must be made of the 2024 elections which will not be free and will not be fair.

Russia, Rwanda and Belarus are governed by tyrannical rulers who jail opponents and run bogus elections that deliver 90% majorities or higher.

Then there is the charade elections occurring in Bangladesh, Iran and Tunisia where leaders allow the opposition to compete, but not to win.

Elections are taking place against a backdrop of spreading illiberalism around the world, the weakening of independent institutions in some of the big democracies, and a creeping disillusionment in advanced democracies, especially among younger people, about the benefits of a democratic system.

But there is also reason for cautious optimism that the long arc of history continues to steer determinedly towards a more democratic world.

Read more: How religion and politics will mix in 2024 three trends to track

Democracy remains the model that most developing nations strive for. According to Freedom House, there were 69 electoral democracies in 1990 rising to 122 by 2014. It is telling that even dictators and despots feel the need to give themselves the appearance of a democratic mandate. And surveys of citizens in advanced democracies continue to show high levels of support for the ideals of democratic government.

Government of the people, for the people, by the people still holds significant advantages over all the other alternatives currently being tried. But in 2024 it will be tested mightily.

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More than 4 billion people are eligible to vote in an election in 2024. Is this democracy's biggest test? - The Conversation

Taiwan’s upcoming election stands as a litmus test of the Chinese Communist Party’s political warfare strategy, specifically whether disinformation and military drills alone can bend Taipei’s will toward Beijing’s reunification designs. Yet, China’s bid to undermine Taiwan’s democracy also foreshadows its intent to influence the 2024 U.S. election — an act of subversion Washington cannot afford to ignore.  

This Saturday, 19 million Taiwanese voters will determine more than simply their next president and parliament; their choices will also profoundly impact the tenor of U.S.-China relations for the foreseeable future. With voters set to weigh in on various domestic issues, including inflation and energy security, the defining challenge casting a shadow over every ballot is how Taiwan should respond to the mainland’s growing aggression. Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s recent warning to President Biden about China’s urgency to “resolve” Taiwan’s status — sooner rather than later — underscores the seriousness of today’s tensions in the Taiwan Strait. 

Having hinged its great-power resurgence on reunifying with Taiwan, China has understandably been loath to leave the island’s political fate to chance. Indeed, for 10 years running, Taiwan has been the world’s top target of disinformation, according to a Stockholm University study that tracks authoritarian influence. That trend continued this year, with China unleashing a torrent of new disinformation aimed at undermining the ruling Democratic Progressive Party — which has pledged closer ties to the U.S. other democratic powers — and bolstering opposition candidates seeking improved ties with the mainland. Chief among China’s other disinformation goals is sowing distrust about U.S. security guarantees should Beijing one day invade.  

Without doubt, cyberspace serves as the primary arena for China’s disinformation offensive. Cyberattacks designed to crash Taiwanese networks and propagate falsehoods reached unprecedented levels last quarter, spiking 3,370 percent — a more than thirty fold increase over the prior year — according to security firm Cloudfare. In one case, Chinese social media content farms impersonated genuine Taiwanese news websites and propagated seemingly legitimate broadcast clips championing China’s preferred political narratives about the election, including how reunification is ‘inevitable.’ Meanwhile, Chinese disinformation watchdog Doublethink Labs revealed how algorithms on TikTok, owned by the Beijing-headquartered ByteDance, overwhelmingly amplify content critical of the DPP. 

Besides spreading rumors, China has also resorted to levying new trade restrictions on Taiwanese firms reliant on the mainland’s market, attributing the move to the DPP’s “stubborn adherence to Taiwan independence.” More recently, Xi ordered China’s military to conduct pre-election drills in and around Taiwan’s territorial waters. Such maneuvers serve as a stark reminder that Beijing could one-day resort to kinetic action if voting trends diverge further from China’s stated reunification goals.   

Altogether, the potential effectiveness of China’s tactics in Taiwan could set a precedent for similar operations targeting other democracies, with the goal of destabilizing and manipulating public opinion from within. Such a scenario underscores the urgency for American vigilance and preparedness against an adversary adept at the art of political subversion. 

Alarmingly, evidence of Chinese interference in the U.S. has already surfaced. Before Christmas, the Biden administration declassified intelligence exposing Chinese interference in the U.S. 2022 mid-terms. These insidious operations ranged from social media campaigns aimed at eroding voter confidence to directly interfering in several distinct races, including undermining a congressional candidate because he supported the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. The White House has not clarified its two-year delay in releasing this critical assessment, nor does it appear to have censured China for its meddling, per readouts of recent bilateral engagements with Beijing.

As Taiwan tallies its votes, it’s incumbent on Washington to confront Beijing’s machinations head-on. The U.S. must not only pre-emptively denounce any form of meddling during the upcoming U.S. election but also enforce a doctrine of deterrence, articulating clear consequences for any transgressions. Continued inaction by Washington could be perceived as acquiescence in Beijing, inviting ever-greater interference in the future.  

Second, the Biden administration must commit to providing Congress and the public with regular updates regarding Chinese meddling in the run-up to November’s election. The White House and Congress should also encourage social media companies — including Twitter and Meta — to do the same. Such disclosures are particularly relevant because Chinese cyber-actors have weaponized these platforms in the past to manipulate voter sentiments around divisive themes like racial injustice, police brutality, and U.S. military assistance to Ukraine.  

Last, Washington should pro-actively share relevant insights regarding Chinese election meddling with the other 50 democracies scheduled to hold elections this year, while also encouraging other governments to do the same in the name of collective democratic defense. 

As the world observes Taiwan’s election unfold this week, we are reminded that authoritarian regimes are incessantly working to make the world less safe for democracy. Beijing’s maneuvering in Taiwan today could very well be a prelude to the challenges the U.S. will face tomorrow. The time for a coordinated and decisive response is now — not after Americans begin casting their votes.  

Craig Singleton is a senior fellow at the non-partisan Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a former U.S. diplomat.  

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Democracys high stakes in Taiwans vote - The Hill