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Mosley Must Fall; Things Fell Apart

BBC Radio 4

Martin McNamara, the writer of Mosley Must Fall, a play on Radio 4 this week, must have had a jolt when he opened the papers to find old Oswald back in the news. Oxford University is said to have accepted 6 million from a trust set up by the fascist leaders son, the racing driver Max, using funds passed down through the family. Cries of Rhodes Must Fall have been echoing down the High in Oxford for many years now. If Mosley must fall, too, then this play may prove particularly timely.

Although set in Whitechapel, east London, in 1936, the story consciously teeters over live issues, including immigration, the polarisation of society and the threat of violent protest. The main characters belong to an Irish family living on the path Mosley and his supporters are planning to march down in their latest recruitment drive. Should they stay home and close the curtains or should they take part on one side or the other? Maureen McEnroe (Maggie Cronin), the mother of two grown sons, can hardly bear to engage with the question: What did I say about politics at the table?

Much of the play is taken up with their discussions and arguments over the best course. There is talk of Mosley leading a holy war and defending his country against foreign interlopers. There is talk of the Civil War in Spain and of Generalissimo Franco stepping in to halt the desecration. It isnt until two thirds of the way through the drama that we actually get to the march, which descends predictably into a punch-up. We hear some soundbites of Mosley, but he is largely absent, standing, like his Blackshirts, safely aloof.

Im reminded of Nancy Mitfords novel, Wigs on the Green, in which The Captain never actually appears, but still influences much of the action. In Mitfords case, removing Mosley from the narrative was partly an act of peacekeeping, intended to appease her sister Diana, who went on to marry him. In the case of this engaging play, Mosleys absence feels more ponderous. Its true that, as the head of the British Union of Fascists, Mosley excelled at stirring crowds into chaos, before slinking into the background. The fact that he remains there throughout the play reinforces the idea that he was far smaller than the movement he created. As a concept, this works, but as a dramatic choice, it feels overly conscientious. We needed Mosley, if only to realise his insignificance as an individual.

Jon Ronson, the Welsh journalist and filmmaker perhaps best known for The Men Who Stare at Goats, has launched a new podcast featuring more than a few controversial marches. Things Fell Apart is subtitled strange tales from the culture wars and seeks to uncover the unlikely origins of the debates raging today. The first episode traced the pro-life movement to the ambitions of a boy growing up in the Swiss Alps. The second, which aired this week, centred on a woman who staged a protest against the introduction of a new set of school textbooks to West Virginia in the 1970s.

The stories were astonishing. The boy in the Alps was Frank Schaeffer, the son of a fundamentalist American Evangelical pastor and art historian, who longed to be a filmmaker like his idol Fellini. When his father suggested he gain some experience by helping him to make documentaries, Frank agreed. The success in the Evangelical community of a segment in which his father discussed the evils of abortion led them to explore the subject in more depth. The films, for which Frank created a dubious installation of dolls floating on the Dead Sea, caught the attention of the press. The resulting conflict snowballed.

It can be hard to prove that any single event is responsible for a culture war when most disputes arise from various origins. The links between cause and effect are sometimes less direct than they appear. Ronsons ability to source a story and run with it is nevertheless compelling. I was particularly impressed by his interview with Alice Moore, the woman who tried to block the distribution of textbooks citing their inappropriate content. A poem printed in one, Ronson gently suggested, was not encouraging people to have sex on a bus, as she feared, but despairing that the world had descended to such a point. As he said of her reaction, what mattered, and still matters now, is not intention, but impact. He was as surprised as I was to discover that the offending verses, which caused such a stir after Moore read them aloud on US television, were written by Roger McGough.

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The astonishing stories behind today's culture wars: Radio 4's Things Fell Apart reviewed - Spectator.co.uk

Russell Arben Fox| Special to Gannett Kansas

The historical special session of the Kansas Legislature taking place this week will, I predict, thoroughly fulfill its true purpose, though not its official one. Being clear on the differences between the two is important if one wants to understand the political motivations at work.

Officially, the Republicans in Topeka have pushed Gov. Laura Kelly to call back the Legislature in order to work out rules that will defend the religious liberty and unemployment benefits of Kansans who refuse to get vaccinated against covid-19, in opposition to President Bidens vaccine mandate.

But truthfully, the session is taking place in order to produce declarations and speeches that will help keep Kansas Republican voters united and focused on the culture war surrounding the pandemic, thus benefiting their agenda in the August vote over an anti-abortion-rights amendmentand the November vote for our next governor.

That such words and images are the true aim of the special session is not to deny that Bidens requirement that all large employers require their workers to be vaccinated can be legitimately challenged. There are real constitutional controversies built into his order, and thats why multiple lawsuits have been filed against the mandate (including those which Attorney General Derek Schmidt, who will be the Republican nominee challenging Kelly, has already joined).

Those constitutional controversies, however, simply cannot be effectively responded to by a state legislature. The question of whether employers can challenge the sincerity or legitimacy of any religious exemptions that anti-vaxxers might claim in order to avoid the mandate is tied up with a long line of Supreme Court cases regarding generally applicable laws, as Bidens mandate arguably is.

If the Kansas Legislature makes it a crime for employers to pose such challenges, then current federal precedents would necessitate an immediate stay on that legislation, meaning that, once again, their work would have to wait until the aforementioned lawsuits are resolved.

As for employment protections for those who might be fired for refusing to submit to mandates implemented by their employers, business interests in Kansas most of which regularly support the Republicans in Topeka have already made it clear that providing financial support for those reluctant to get vaccinated is something theyd rather not see added states unemployment fund.

Republican leaders say that they can write the rules for who should qualify for unemployment benefits when let go for being unvaccinated carefully, but with some estimates of the costs of such guarantees ranging as high at $250 million, this legislation is likely to be kept minimal.

But the likely pointlessness of state action on religious liberty rules, and the likely small potatoes of any benefits for fired vaccination opponents, wont interfere with the sessions true purpose.

Going into 2022, Gov. Kelly wants to make her re-election campaign about eliminating the food tax and fiscal responsibility generally; the Republicans, by contrast, want to tie her as closely as possible to Bidens unpopularity.

With the Schmidt campaign lacking the base-riling fervor of a Kobach or Brownback, drawing sharp distinctions between the governor and the Kansas GOP, digging deep into the cultural conflicts the pandemic has provided, is a smart strategy for building momentum for August and November.

Will it be a successful strategy as well? That remains to be seen, but I wouldnt bet against it.

Russell Arben Fox teaches politics in Wichita.

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Kansas GOP leaders want to exploit culture wars before 2022 elections. It might be a winning strategy. - The Topeka Capital-Journal

In April 2019, I stood with Virginias Governor, Secretary of Education, and State Superintendent to declare Virginia is for Learners. It was the crescendo of a multi-year education reform effort spanning two gubernatorial administrations, led by a host of state and local education leaders.

Since then, a growing group of nonpartisan education leaders have been working hard to deliver on that promise. This has included the establishment of the Commonwealth Learning Partnership, a coalition of more than 40 education groups and universities committed to modernizing Virginias public education system; the launch of EdEquityVA, the states roadmap to and trainings on education equity; and more recently, the formation of a statewide education foundation, Virginia Learns.

These education leaders have offered constant support to the education frontlines throughout the pandemic. Even so, extended crisis schooling gave rise to heated disagreements between parents and schools, put on full display at school board meetings and on social media. Virginia, like so many places, has culture wars dominating discourse about public education, which has taken attention away from school, educator, and student needs.

Its no surprise that education ended up being the hot-button campaign issue in Virginias recent governors race. The Democratic candidate, Terry McAuliffe, campaigned on his record. Republican candidate, Glenn Youngkin, took a different approach, tapping into the fears and frustrations of his constituency. Youngkin won on the promise of more parental control in education, saying his first action would be to fire the states education chief, and that he would promote school choice.

While this was an effective way to win a race, it misses the complexity of the issues impacting education in COVID recovery. Beyond platitudes and promises, we need decision-makers who bring people together to work towards the common good of student learning, healing and recovery. Using education as a wedge issue to stoke anger, resentment and to deepen divisions will only make matters worse.

Youngkins win and the public conversation on education that took place across Virginia and the US leading up to his election, illuminates three problems we face in education: issues of trust, truth and trauma.

Pandemic experiences have made parents less trusting of their childrens schools. Campaigns and conversations have focused on who should have power over a childs education, when the reality is that parents and educators share that responsibility.

For many kids, the adults who support learning go beyond the household and school. Extended family, counselors, services providers and afterschool programs are also a part of the equation. Adults need to work in partnership to support childrens learning and well-being. Parental and family engagement, along with school-community partnerships, must be a top priority for states and schools. This requires professional development on effective engagement, working with parent groups and providing ways for parents and community partners to have a voice in education decisions.

Parents have their own role to play. This starts with taking a posture of empathy and openness towards the people running schools and teaching kids. The past two years have been hard for everybody, but the pressures and demands on educators have been extreme. Formal parent groups, like the PTA, and informal organizing groups, can establish and enforce a culture that upholds the dignity and worth of all people.

Exacerbating these trust issues are alarming disagreements over truth. Culture wars are getting worse. CRT and school curriculum debates reveal unsettling differences between what people view as truth in current circumstances and American history. We cannot move around this issue. We must work through it. Schools and communities need assistance from experienced facilitators and mediators to have difficult and necessary conversations about racism, inequity and our history. This is reconciliation work, and it is vital for the health, healing and well-being of students, families and communities. If we do not do this, then our kidsespecially those who are Black, brown, and Indigenouswill fall into the fault lines these culture wars have created.

Trauma has been an accelerant to trust and truth issues. We are nearly two years into the most disruptive period many of us have ever experienced, and trauma abounds. Left unaddressed, it will take a continued toll on student learning and mental health, educator wellness and community capacity for collective care. Healing from trauma takes time, training and focus. This is especially true in places and with people who already were experiencing trauma before COVID. It is time for leaders to prioritize and invest in mental health, to get trained on trauma-informed care and to work on improving systems of care.

The future of our schools and long-COVID education recovery is about more than power, advancement and choice. It will last longer than a campaign cycle, and even a gubernatorial term. Real recovery is about care, connection and healing. For students to learn and schools to function, we must work and heal together.

For nearly eight years, I have worked alongside Virginias most inspiring educators and education leaders. They know Virginia is for Learners is a promise that extends across political and community divides, and that it must hold true, even in times of disruption or disagreement. This is the path forward that supports students, builds great schools, and a future of learning where young people can thrive.

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How Schools Can Call a Truce in Educations Ongoing Culture War - EdSurge

The practical effect of the religious freedom bill which Prime Minister Scott Morrison presented to Parliament on Thursday remains unclear but its symbolic power in Australias culture wars is undeniable.

For religious conservatives who have lost a number of historic recent battles against progressives on social policy, it promises to turn the tide that has been flowing against them recently.

After it was overwhelmingly supported in a popular vote, the Federal Parliament passed same-sex marriage in 2017. After lagging other states, NSW legalised abortion last year and the Parliament is now debating a bill on assisted dying.

In this climate religious groups feel their views are being ignored. Presenting the bill, Mr Morrison three times referred to cancel culture which he says is driving people of faith from the public sphere. Many people from various religious traditions are concerned about the lack of religious protection against the prevalence of cancel culture in Australian life.

The Herald agrees with Mr Morrison that it is important to engage in civil debate and that discrimination on religious grounds is abhorrent. People of faith deserve the same respect as the 30 per cent of Australians with no religious beliefs. As Mr Morrison said, The protection of what we choose to believe in a free society is essential to our freedom. In a liberal democracy, it is like oxygen.

Yet, Mr Morrison fails to establish that religious discrimination is a significant problem here in Australia. By and large Australia already does guarantee freedom of religion. The constitution specifically bans imposing a state religion. Just ask any of the refugees from countries where real religious bigotry is rife if Australia is a free country. The bill is largely a solution looking for a problem.

Where it will make some difference is in cases where religious groups want more rights to breach anti-discrimination laws, especially in relation to LGBTQI people.

This is a difficult issue because the idea of giving a green light to discrimination justified on religious grounds terrifies LGBTQI people who remember that until only a few decades ago their very existence was illegal.

The draft bill Mr Morrison presented tries to please both sides but will likely end up pleasing neither.

For example, while the bill offers some protection for people making genuine statements of religious belief, employers have convinced the government to exempt cases involving workplace policies, including social media policies. They argued that if their employees were free to make inflammatory statements based on religion it could damage their companies public image and cause discord in the workplace.

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Religious freedom bill is the latest front in the culture wars - The Sydney Morning Herald

The culture war doesnt take Thanksgiving week off, and its two main participants arent big on giving thanks, anyway.

The illiberal left wants to radically transform an inherently evil America that was founded on slavery and colonialism. The post-liberal right wants to forfeit the idea of liberal democracy, contending that modern America is weak, secular, and decadent.

Lets start with the left. On Tuesday, the Womens March issued an apology for sending out an email noting that their average donation this week had been $14.92. It was an oversight on our part to not make the connection to a year of colonization, conquest, and genocide for Indigenous people, especially before Thanksgiving, they said. This is stupidity that defies satire.

Meanwhile, MSNBC recently invited writer Gyasi Ross to talk about the mythology of Thanksgiving. Instead of bringing stuffing and biscuits, those settlers brought genocide and violence, he said. That genocide and violence is still on the menu as state-sponsored violence against Native and Black Americans is commonplace. And violent private white supremacy is celebrated and subsidized.

I get it! I get it! America sucks. And you need to be constantly reminded of that. We cant possibly have a day where we put aside the culture wars and just celebrate the blessings we have been given, right? Dont even think about celebrating Columbus Day, Presidents Day, or Thanksgiving Day without a proper finger-wagging lecture, just to make sure any lingering patriotism is replaced by guilt and shame. Enjoy your stuffing, you white supremacist scumbags!

The Rosses of the world dont want you to celebrate Americas history or traditions because the whole damn thing is tainted and conceived in sin. The National Broadcasting Company apparently endorses this worldview, since MSNBC aired this segment and proudly tweeted about it.

A good argument could be made that few Americans gathering to give thanks to the Almighty for their blessings are thinking primarily about Pilgrims and Native Americans. But even to the degree that the first Thanksgiving has become embedded in the American psyche, things are (as usual) more complicated.

Heres a short summation of what we know. In 1620, a group of English settlers known as the Pilgrims made an arduous journey across the Atlantic. In 1621, they signed a peace treaty with the Indigenous people living in the area, the Wampanoag Confederacy, that was honored by both sides for fifty years. After signing the treaty, Native Americans taught the settlers about how to fertilize the soil for growing crops, and also gave them hunting and fishing tips. This was vital to the Plymouth colonys survival (according to the History channel, by spring 1621, roughly half of the Mayflowers original passengers had died in their new home). Later that year, there was a Thanksgiving feast with the Wampanoags to celebrate their first autumn harvest. This became known as the first Thanksgiving. Its a true story that offers us hope, and one that almost everyone can be proud of celebrating.

Of course, theres a larger story. Theres the story of Europeans who arrived before the Pilgrims in 1620. And theres the story of how the treaty broke down when new arrivals of Europeans and subsequent generations of Indigenous people clashed, with provocations and atrocities being committed on both sides. And later, theres the story of what basically constitutes a horrific genocide of Native Americans during Americas westward expansion.

And then, theres the even larger story. The story of how Abraham Lincoln decided to declare a national day of thanksgiving during the Civil War, and how the union he helped preserve would later free the world from Nazi and Soviet domination, thus bringing more freedom and prosperity to more people than any force in the history of the world.

We should know the whole story, but which story defines us as a nation?

Heres the problem. Im not sure a country that doesnt believe in its own noble narrative can (or should) survive. Im not sure a nation that views its legacy as that of shameful and bloodthirsty oppressors, conceived in sin (not liberty, as Lincoln declared), can prevail over competing value systems.

Lets not kid ourselves. Every nation has done horrific things. But nations like Chinawhich is currently committing what many believe to be genocide against the Uyghurssuffer no such identity crisis. And few progressives are as outraged by the atrocities currently being committed against ethnic minorities, gays, and women by the Chinese Communists, the Taliban, or anyone else. Progressives should consider that their constant undermining of America might foster the rise of some regime like China that actually ends up ruling much of the world.

Would the world really be better off if Chinas values, not ours, became dominant?

Whats even sadder, though, is that the blame-America-first fixation is no longer the sole province of the left in America. An increasing number of voices on the right have given up on the American experiment, suggesting that the Founders vision was either inherently flawed or corrupted along the way. Some on the post-liberal right even pine for monarchy and serfdom as a supposedly superior (and more romantic) option. As Voxs Zack Beauchamp writes, Liberal ideals of individual rights, separation of church and state, and free markets have, in their view, created a society ever more solitary, ever more detached from ourselves, from our families, from our countries, and our God.

It could be argued that the reason this is happening on both the left and the right is that we are not thankfulwe are not gratefulfor the blessings of liberty and modernity. Empirically speaking, theres no better time or place to be alive than in 21st century America. We are freer, safer, and healthier than any people in the history of the world. And ironically, this gives us more time to dwell on how horrible we are and how bad we have it.

But while this is a bipartisan lament, the rights abandonment of Thanksgiving is arguably more concerning, because defending patriotism, tradition, and, yes, thanksgiving, are primary functions of conservatism. To my mind, conservatism is gratitude, says conservative intellectual Yuval Levin. Conservatives tend to begin from gratitude for what is good and what works in our society and then strive to build on it, while liberals tend to begin from outrage at what is bad and broken and seek to uproot it.

You need both, Levin concedes. But we can also never forget what moves us to gratitude, and so what we stand for and defend: the extraordinary cultural inheritance we have; the amazing country built for us by others and defended by our best and bravest; Americas unmatched potential for lifting the poor and the weak; the legacy of freedomof ordered libertybuilt up over centuries of hard work.

A healthy country is transparent about its past sins. We should not present a solely sanitized version of history. But we also must be proud of our country and believe that we are a force for good, because it happens to be trueand because we can then strive to live up to that truth.

When more Americans believe the nation is defined by its sins rather than its beneficenceas I fear is happening nowit seems to me that our goose (er, turkey) is cooked.

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The War on Thanksgiving Is America at Its Worst - The Daily Beast