Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

All the traditions lost after the Communists entered Beijing The China Project – The China Project

Kidds pieces have been a double illumination. Their intimate domestic lanterns shed light on the dark side of the moon and, exotic and informational interest aside, glow in their own skins, as art. They are simple, graceful, comic, mournful miniatures of an ominous catastrophe, the unprecedently swift death of a uniquely ancient civilization. John Updike

Kidd paints indelible sketches of an aspect of Chinese life gone forever. A finely wrought account. Booklist

For Americans who travel to Beijing or who are interested in the city as it was before the revolution, this book will give a new dimension to their understanding and enjoyment. New York Times

David Kidd (19271996) originally came from Kentucky, studied Chinese at the University of Michigan in 1946, and went to Yenching University on an exchange to study Chinese poetry and teach English. He spent some time living in a traditional courtyard with his Chinese wife. In 1950, Kidd and his wife left for the United States. She pursued a career as a physicist in California and he immersed himself in Chinese art circles in New York.

He taught at the Asia Institute until 1956, when he moved to Japan. There he taught at Kobe and Osaka universities and began collecting Chinese and Japanese art and antiques. He divorced his first wife and settled down in Kyoto with Yasuyoshi Morimoto. Kidd founded the Oomoto School of Traditional Japanese Arts. His account of the last days of the ancient Chinese regime was published in 1960 as All the Emperors Horses and was reissued in 1988 as Peking Story. He died in Honolulu in 1996.

For two years before and after the 1949 revolution, David Kidd lived in Beijing. He was married to Aimee Yu, the daughter of an aristocratic Chinese family, and was living in some comfort and seclusion on a hutong alley. With Yu, he came to see one of the last traditional families of Beijing in situ. Peking Story was serialized by the New Yorker in 1955, first published as a book in 1988, and then reprinted in the early 2000s as a New York Review of Books classic.

I used to hope that some bright young scholar on a research grant would write about us and our Chinese friends before it was too late and we were all dead and gone, folding into the darkness the wonder that had been our lives. Ultimately the task fell to me.

Late January of 1949, Peking surrendered gracefully to the ever victorious Communist Army, and one day soon after, my fiance a Chinese girl telephoned me to say that her father, who had been ill for a long while, was dying. We must marry immediately, Aimee said, or face the prospect of waiting out at least a year of mourning, as Chinese custom demanded. It seemed unfeeling to hold a wedding at such a time, and there was no way of guessing what the Communist authorities would say to a marriage between the daughter of a bureaucratic-capitalist Chinese and an American teacher, but the future was so uncertain that we decided we must go ahead. Aimees family, when consulted, agreed. However, since we could not be sure we were not bringing some sort of trouble on them, we planned to keep the marriage a secret, at least for a while.

Peking was a great walled and moated medieval city through which pulsated a life in what was considered the worlds largest empire. Within its walls lay the Forbidden City, the center from which imperial power reached out to all of China, and from there, the world.

Aunt Chin often spoke cryptically, alluding to some old Chinese saying or myth, but she was truly a wise person. As they saw their friends and neighbors degraded by the reform of the New China, as the only life they had known crumbled and blew away like dust, as the Yu family had to relocate from the home that had been theirs for four centuries, as Aunt Chin faced being homeless but would eventually find shelter in a temple, she would postulate: Houses and people and tables and chairs move and change of themselves, following destinies that cannot be altered. When things change into other things or lose themselves or destroy themselves, there is nothing we can do but let them go.

Kidds Peking Story is one of the best accounts we have of the crucial interregnum period between the end of the Chinese Civil War and the consolidation of Communist rule. Revolutionary consolidation is not instantaneous, it doesnt happen overnight. It takes a while. This was true of the Bolshevik Revolution the NEP, War Communism, etc. So too it took the Chinese communists some time to consolidate their revolution, even in their new capital of Beijing. So we see Kidd and his wifes family still living a largely traditional life in terms of their routines, tastes, clothing, and style. Yet the authoritarianism that would become the leitmotif of the Peoples Republic of China is creeping into their lives. Radios seized, restrictions on foreign nationals, spy mania, local cadres nosing their way into peoples lives. So we have the contrast of the sprawling hutong courtyard, visits to ancestral temples, moonlit picnics, servants, opulent ceremonies, lavish entertainments, and cherished antique heirlooms and the new communist regime.

But perhaps what most stays with the reader is the cast of characters Kidd encounters a cast at a time of change and whose fortunes will be starkly different: The disheveled Reverend Feng, who performed his wedding ceremony in unintelligible chants, whose beliefs are now highly problematic; the familys once-trusted cook who turns into a street beggar after being sued in court; a Mongolian prince dressed as a Mongolian princess; Kidds in-laws, including Aunt Chin, who traces her Manchu roots to an empress of China.

Despite his intense attraction to the aesthetic of old Peking, Kidd was not wholly unsympathetic to the revolution and its broad aims of bettering the lot of the ordinary citizen. But the final portion of the memoir recalls when Kidd returned to Beijing in 1981: the city was unrecognizable, and the living conditions of the remaining Yu family were depressing.

Kidd could have made his book far darker, more morose. Yet he tries to keep a positive attitude, often satirical, to look at the cohesion of the Yu family, held together by their former status and traditions even when brought low by the communist revolution. However, even the most ardent supporter of the revolution would perhaps find a tinge of sadness at the passing of so many rituals and observances, a loss of Chinas collective memory through fear. Kidds book can be accused of nostalgia for a time when many people in China lived awful lives of desperate and inveterate poverty, but there were bright spots weddings, parties, celebrations and he recalls these, too, in minute detail.

Barely 30 years after Kidd left China, a young American arrived to head inland to an uncertain posting. The country had changed beyond belief in many ways a new name, new leaders, periods of turmoil and chaos not so far behind it, an era of supposed advancement and new brighter horizons ahead. And so, a book about learning from China by another Westerner, this time in the 1980s, in the hinterlands

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All the traditions lost after the Communists entered Beijing The China Project - The China Project

Communism, the youth, and the fight for revolution – Socialist Appeal

Every quarter, polling company YouGov surveys peoples views towards well-known figures, past and present.This includes Lenin,the leader of the October Revolution. The results are illuminating.

Amongst the older generation, those born between 1946-64, opinion is unenthusiastic. A mere 4% of Baby Boomers give Lenin the thumbs up.

Younger people, by contrast, hold a far more favourable view of the Russian revolutionary. The Bolshevik leader is popular amongst 40% of Millennials (those born between 1981-96).

Unfortunately data is not available for Gen Zs (born 1996-2012). But no doubt support for Lenin would be even higher for younger generations.

This revolutionary outlook was confirmed by anotherpoll published earlier this year by the Fraser Institute.Thisconservativethink-tank was shocked to find out that nearly a third of young people in Britain (18-34 year-olds) believe thatcommunism is the ideal economic system.

Again, this survey did not include school students, who are even more radical. Nevertheless, these findings equate to about 4.5 million youth in Britain who are open to communism.

The reason for this radicalisation is clear and understandable. This generation has grown up in the wake of the capitalist slump of 2008, the deepest since the Great Depression, where the system has lurched from one crisis to another.

Society has been wracked by instability, austerity, and catastrophes over the past decade-and-a-half. Young people today have never known anything but disaster and decline.

Older layers have been burnt out by past defeats and difficulties. They have grown sceptical towards the idea of radical change.

The youth, however, see their parents struggling on a daily basis: cutting back on essentials, skipping meals, and turning off the lights and radiators in order to scrape by.

Millions of children in Britain are infood poverty.Studentsschool buildings are literally crumblingto bits. Upon graduation, they are faced with dead-end jobs, poor pay, and growing unemployment; with little hope or future.

Added to this is theclimate crisisand the horrors of imperialism. Capitalist corporations plunder and pollute the world. Conflict and war tear countries apart. Millions die every year of starvation and disease. All the while, the super-rich sit idly and luxuriously upon an enormous pile of wealth.

No wonder young people today want a revolution. How can they not?!

This is a global phenomenon. The crisis of capitalism is international. And in all countries, it is the youth who are bearing the brunt of this broken system.

In Italy, Spain, and Greece, for example, youth unemployment rates are at 32%, 34%, and 40%. In South Africa, the figure is 53%.

In China,although accurate figures are difficult to come by, all the evidence suggests that the youth are increasingly swelling the ranks of capitalisms reserve army of labour.

Everywhere, young people have been on the frontlines of the struggle: fromSri Lankato the United States; fromPalestinetoFrance.

Older folk, with memories of a halcyon age, might yearn for a return to better times. But they are living under an illusion. Such conditions are never coming back, as the continual hammer blow of events will prove.

Even the strategists of capitalism see no way out. Attendees of the recent meeting of central bankers and establishment officials at Jackson Hole, for example, talked about a shock-prone, fragmented environment, whereglobal debt has become unsustainable.

The ruling class is terrified ofanother world slump,which is on the cards. They are unsure about whether the state can afford to bail out the capitalist system once again.

I dont think they [governments] can do it again, stated IMF chief economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas. We dont have an insurance policy anymore. We are at the edge.

Absolutely. They are at the edge of an abyss.

The old reformist left parties are blind to what is happening. They have no perspective of revolutionary change. Instead, they hope to patch up capitalism.

These lefts have completely bought into the system. But capitalism is in a blind alley, and can no longer offer reforms only counter-reforms.

Starmers Labour Partyhas become an obedient tool of the ruling class. The Labour leaders are keen to do the dirty work for capitalism. In power, they will act little differently from the Tories.

No wonder young people feel betrayed. They are looking for fundamental change. They are looking for revolution: nothing more, nothing less. They are looking towards Lenin and communism.

The only way forward is the overthrow of this rotten system.

It is the new generation that holds the key. Through their dynamism and militancy, they can revive the more passive and inert layers, break down their scepticism, and rejuvenate the movement.

The movement is revitalised by the youth, who are free of responsibility for the past,Trotsky explained in the late 1930s,in a period of revolution and counter-revolution.

The Fourth International [the revolutionary international] pays particular attention to the young generation of the proletariat, Trotsky continued. All of its policies strive to inspire the youth with belief in its own strength and in the future.

Only the fresh enthusiasm and aggressive spirit of the youth can guarantee the preliminary successes in the struggle; only these successes can return the best elements of the older generation to the road of revolution. Thus it was, thus it will be.

It was not for nothing that Lenin asserted that he who has the youth, has the future. The Bolshevik Party was originally built upon the youth. It was they who provided the cadres for the success of the October Revolution in 1917.

To overthrow capitalism, we need tobuild a revolutionary partywith the same perspective, energy, and determination as the Bolsheviks.

That means forging a genuinely communist force, in Britain and internationally: as Lenin attempted 100 years ago, and as we the International Marxist Tendency are doing today.

Join us to end the scourge of poverty, hunger, and war; to overthrow capitalism; to struggle for a communist future,based upon Marxs principle:from each according to their ability, to each according to their need.

We are the real Marxists; the real Leninists; the real Communists.Join us,get organised, and fight for revolution!

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Communism, the youth, and the fight for revolution - Socialist Appeal

Salazar, 27 GOP cosponsors offer bill to educate students about … – Ripon Advance

Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar

U.S. Rep. Mara Elvira Salazar (R-FL) led 27 Republicans to introduce legislation that would develop and disseminate a civic education curriculum and oral history resources to help teach middle and high school students about the dangers of communism and totalitarianism.

On Sept. 5, Rep. Salazar sponsored the Crucial Communism Teaching Act, H.R. 5349, with original cosponsors including U.S. Reps. Mike Bost (R-IL), Buddy Carter (R-GA), David Valadao (R-CA), and Lloyd Smucker (R-PA) to make the educational materials available through the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation.

Communism is one of the most destructive political ideologies the world has ever seen, Rep. Salazar said. The Crucial Communism Teaching Act is important because our youth must remember the crimes of the communists, including those inflicted upon my constituents and their families in Floridas 27th district.

The framework for H.R. 5349 was inspired by the Never Again Education Act, which Congress passed in 2020 to create a program to educate American students about the Holocaust through the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, according to the congresswomans office, and the bill continues similar efforts in Florida and other states to educate American students on the failed experiment of communism throughout history.

Communism is dangerous, it is evil, and our children are being lied to about its merits. We must do a better job of educating our youth so that the horrors of communism never see the light of day on U.S. soil, said Rep. Carter. Im proud to co-sponsor Rep. Salazars Crucial Communism Teaching Act so we can improve our schools curriculum and set our students up for success.

Rep. Smucker pointed out that its critical to ensure students are taught the history of death and destruction caused by communism and the present dangers of this ideology.

I remain concerned at the number of Americans who hold favorable views of this dangerous ideology, Rep. Smucker said. I appreciate Congresswoman Salazar for leading this legislation and am proud to join her in supporting it.

H.R. 5349, which is supported by the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, has been referred for consideration to the U.S. House Education and the Workforce Committee.

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Salazar, 27 GOP cosponsors offer bill to educate students about ... - Ripon Advance

Head of Zeus seizes history of communism by broadcaster and … – The Bookseller

Head of Zeus has seized Reds: The History of Communism from the Neolithic to Xis China by broadcaster, journalist and author Paul Mason.

Iain MacGregor, publishing director for non-fiction, acquired world rights from Matthew Hamilton at The Hamilton Agency. The book will be published in hardback, trade paperback, audio and e-book in the autumn of 2026.

In the book, Masonsets out to tell the global history of communism, as "an idea, a movement and a regime". The synopsis says: "Reds traces the history of the idea, through revolts in the ancient and medieval worlds, and chronicles the rise of 19th-century anti-capitalist movements... But, he argues, the story is not over.

"Western democracies are stagnant and lacking self-belief. Looming climate chaos demands radical economic answers. Millions of people in the Global South see Chinas offer of authoritarian, state-led development model as a viable alternative. And among the Western left, new forms of techno-egalitarianism vie with right-wing libertarianism in the battle over the digital future."

Mason, the former economics editor of BBC "Newsnight" and "Channel 4 News", is a freelance journalist and broadcast commentator. He is the author of seven books includingPostcapitalism (Farrar, Straus and Giroux), How to Stop Fascism (Allen Lane) and Rare Earth: A Novel (No Exit Press). His awards include RTS Specialist Broadcaster of the Year in 2011 and the Erich Fromm Prize in 2020.

Mason said: "Twenty years ago, we thought wed seen the last of communism...Today, the biggest political party in the world calls itself communist, and so does the worlds most successful economy. So, I think were going to need a different kind of history to all those valedictory tomes written by the Cold Wars ideological victors.

"I hope, above all, it will kill stone dead the current trendy nostalgia for the Stalin era, and help us understand why so many people, even today, are prepared to swap freedom for economic progress. I am thrilled to be joining the team at Head of Zeus and the larger Bloomsbury family, to produce what I hope will be seen as an original and definitive analysis of this phenomenon."

MacGregor added: "I have long been an admirer of Pauls writing and broadcasting and he was always someone I wanted to publish. We are all hugely impressed by the breadth he will bring to this all-consuming subject. I am excited to work alongside him to publish a book we hope will botheducate and inform readers across the globe about this enduringly fascinating and, in recent decades, murderous philosophy."

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Head of Zeus seizes history of communism by broadcaster and ... - The Bookseller

Death threats, communism claims swirl around EV battery project – Automotive News

In the past eight months, he has been targeted with death threats, a recall campaign and accusations of being a communist. Chapman said he shares many of the concerns and demands answers from Gotion before giving approvals.

The company acquired 270 acres of land in August, marking its first major commitment to the plant, expected to create 2,350 jobs.

Chapman has tried to remove himself from plant politics. The supervisor, who called himself a "rather adamant Republican," looks at the project as an economic savior for one of the poorest parts of the state, plagued by job and population loss.

At an average wage of $24.50 an hour, payroll at the plant will come out to roughly $4.5 million every two weeks, Chapman said. "My God, do you know what that's going to do to this community? To the region?" he said.

The trouble he's experienced is hardly worth the $25,000 annual salary of supervisor, but he feels duty-bound to see the project through.

"I am not going to allow them," he said, "to destroy the greatest economic opportunity this community has seen since the 1800s."

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Death threats, communism claims swirl around EV battery project - Automotive News