Archive for the ‘Black Lives Matter’ Category

Turning away from street protests, Black Lives Matter tries a new tactic in the age of Trump – Washington Post

Outside the Triple S Food Mart in Baton Rouge, where police shot and killed Alton Sterling, a crowd gathered Tuesday night to hold a vigil and protest the Justice Departments decision not to charge the officer. They held signs and gave speeches. They prayed and cried.

It was a vastly different scene from the one that had played repeatedly on cable news after Sterlings death last July, when activists blocked intersections, riot police arrived in armored vehicles and about 200 demonstrators were arrested.

In recent years, policing has been among the nations most visible issues as people outraged by use of force and racial disparities in punishment took to the streets under the Black Lives Matter banner. But activists say the movements efforts have entered a new phase one more focused on policy than protest prompted by the election of President Trump.

What people are seeing is that there are less demonstrations, said Alicia Garza, one of three women credited with coining the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag. A lot of that is that people are channeling their energy into organizing locally, recognizing that in Trumps America, our communities are under direct attack.

The issue that galvanized the movement hasnt subsided.So far this year, police have shot and killed 23 unarmed people, a higher rate than in 2016, when 48 unarmed people were killed all year. Both years, about one in three of those people has been black.

Activists say theyre no less aware of those statistics than in years past. But like most of the political left, they were stunned by Trumps electoral victory in November. And in the months since, theyve grappled with the role of an antiracism movement at a time when political threats to other groups immigrants, Muslims and women have gained urgency and pushed more progressives into the streets in protest.

In interviews, more than half a dozen leaders in the Black Lives Matter movement said that last years presidential election prompted renewed focus on supporting other minority groups as well as amassing electoral power to fight an administration that has pledged to roll back Obama-era efforts to reshape policing practice. Those leaders who hail from various factions of the decentralized movement of individuals and organizations that have, at times, clashed said the reality of Trumps presidency has forced a reconsideration of strategy.

There was a lot of regrouping that had to happen within our movement and on the broader left to really think strategically, said Asha Rosa, the national organizing co-chair for the Black Youth Project 100.

Building bridges

The first major convening of young black activists during the Trump presidency came in April, when they met in Memphis for speeches, marches and workshops marking the 50th anniversary of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.s Beyond Vietnam speech. They were joined by representatives of organized labor, the Fight for $15 minimum-wage effort, and a smattering of immigrant-advocacy and Muslim-rights groups.

The Black Lives Matter network is now one of more than 50 groups that have christened themselves The Majority, a coalition of progressives working on social justice issues, including LGBT rights and Islamaphobia.

Even before the election, some of the most prominent activists in the Black Lives Matter movement were expanding their focus to broader political efforts.

Garza helped develop the Womens March political platform and is an organizer for the National Domestic Workers Alliance, a labor organization.

We are also doing a lot of work to build bridges between other movements and communities caught in the crosshairs of Trumps agenda, she added. Its a real opportunity for us to build a movement of movements.

DeRay Mckesson, a Baltimore-based activist whose live tweeting from Ferguson, Mo., during the 2014 protests earned him hundreds of thousands of followers, ran for mayor of Baltimore last year and, after that unsuccessful bid, joined newly elected Democratic National Committee ChairmanTom Perezs transition team.

He has spent much of the year rolling out policy platforms and mobilizing tools, including the Resistance Manual and a project called OurStates, a site that helps people combat Republican policies in their state.

Garza and Mckesson also have claimed the spoils of relative celebrity. Garza has been a fixture on the paid speakers circuit while helping secure funding from major donors for the Black Lives Matter network. Mckesson has been mingling with cultural luminaries and political types, practicing his philosophy that the movement needs to work within the system.

(Grand Rapids Police Department)

Under the media radar

Black Lives Matters transition from street protests to policy is not unusual, said Stephen Zunes, a University of San Francisco professor who studies social movements. Its through such work that a movements priorities like mandatory use of officer body cameras can become national standards, he said.

Thats actually the way effective social movements often work or behave, Zunes said, pointing to the Occupy Wall Street demonstrations in the wake of the financial crisis as a counterexample. What the Occupy people did not learn, or by and large do, is go do the lobbying, the organizing to make change happen. They wound up fetishizing the occupy part, and then, by and large, it fizzled.

Much of the push for policy change is being driven by local chapters of Black Lives Matter, under the national medias radar, Garza notes.

In Memphis and Atlanta, activists have focused on challenging themoney bail system, their term for the widespread practice of holding people in jail who are unable to pay even small amounts required by courts to assure they will show up for trial.

Poor defendants who stand to lose jobs, apartments and custody of their children as they sit in jail often plead guilty to lesser crimes without seeing a judge or jury.

Local Black Lives Matter activists raised more than $33,000 tobail black mothers out of jail just before Mothers Day, said Mary Hooks, an organizer with Black Lives Matter Atlanta.

The organization also is pushing the city council to make possession of a small quantity of marijuana punishable by a $75 ticket rather than arrest, and it is demanding that Atlantas mayor examine how the police force has been militarized, Hooks said.

Activists note that these efforts rarely make local news, let alone receive the national attention given to Ferguson protests after the fatal police shooting of a black teenager, Michael Brown.

Its not because were not organizing, said Shanelle Matthews, a spokeswoman for the Black Lives Matter Global Network. I think the media companies, vying for the very little brain space in peoples minds, are reporting on what they think people want to hear about right now. And thats Trump.

Making change locally

The Trump presidency is challenging the movements goals in another way.

In April, Attorney General Jeff Sessions ordered Justice Department officials to review oversight agreements that the Obama administration put in place for police departments that showed wide racial disparities in policing practices. Since 2009, the agency has investigated 25 law enforcement agencies and entered monitoring and reform agreements with 14 of them.

Advocates suspect Sessions plans to walk away from the Obama administrations efforts to reduce the number of people killed by police and contend with the disproportionate toll such shootings take on black and Latino Americans.

During Sessionss Senate confirmation hearing in January, he described federal investigations into police departments as damaging to officer morale and implied that the Justice Departments scrutiny of police work had contributed to officer deaths.

This must not continue, Sessions told the Senate.

Still, the movements impact has been visible in some communities. In recent controversial encounters between police and unarmed black people, law enforcement has responded faster and with more regret than seen in years past. In suburban Dallas on Tuesday, an officer was fired three days after he fatally shot a 15-year-old boy sitting in a car. The officer was later charged with murder.

In North Charleston, S.C., former officer Michael Slager who was charged with fatally shooting Walter Scott in the back after a traffic stop pleaded guilty to using excessive force last week. And last month in Grand Rapids, Mich., police released body-camera footage a few weeks after officers held a group of unarmed black boys, ages 12 to 14, at gunpoint.

Activists there say the fact that officers were even wearing body cameras was a result of community pressure. In 2015, community groups and city officials released a report on local policing that included a 12-item to-do list that included equipping every officer with a body camera. Elected officials and the city manager have promised to make a priority of the entire plan.

Activism looks like a lot of different things: It can look like voting, it can look like protest, it can look like calling your representatives, said Aditi Juneja, a law student who works with Campaign Zero. The question shouldnt be, Will this activism be sustained? because for many people the work is very personal and it isnt going to stop. The question is how it will sustain and how it will continue to manifest.

Ashley Cusick in Baton Rouge contributed to this report.

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Turning away from street protests, Black Lives Matter tries a new tactic in the age of Trump - Washington Post

Man sentenced 15 years for shooting at Black Lives Matter activists … – The Grio

According toCBS Minnesota, the man who shot five Black Lives Mater protesters in 2015 has been sentenced to 15 years.

Allen Scarsella along with some friends of his got into an argument the the protesters, who were marching against theshooting death of Jamar Clark, before Sarsella put on a mask and went down to the police district to start livestreaming as he shot at the protesters, eventually shooting five people there.

Scarsella was convicted in February of a dozen felony counts of assault and riot, and he was sentenced Wednesday.

Baton Rouge cop sues DeRay McKesson over BLMrally

Prosecutors had reportedly asked for the maximum sentencing, while defense lawyers argued that Scarsella was acting in self-defense.Defense attorney Laura Heinrich even went so far as to claim that the shooting stemmed from naivety and that Scarsella simply didnt understand what life was like for black people in the community, going on to suggest that his brain was not yet fully developed because he was 22 years old at the time of the shooting.

However,Judge Hilary Lindell Caligiuri ultimately agreed with prosecutors, citing months of messages Scarsella had sent to friends as evidence of his deeply held racist beliefs, before sentencing him to 15 years in prison. The maximum he could have given Scarsella was 20 years.

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Man sentenced 15 years for shooting at Black Lives Matter activists ... - The Grio

The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn Promotes the Cause of Black Lives Matter – The Good Men Project (blog)

In the 1920s and early 1930s, obscenity laws in the United States prevented the publication of Ulysses, the literary masterpiece of acclaimed Irish author James Joyce. The novels stream-of-conscious rendering of a single day in the lives of three main characters is a tour de force of wordplay, literary allusion, and empathetic treatment of morally-compromised personalities. But its portrayals of marital infidelity, brothel sojourns, and other impieties apparently did not sit well with contemporary sensibilities. After a prolonged legal battle, however, the novel was published in 1934. It subsequently secured a place in the canon as one of the greatest novels ever written, and was eventually voted the best novel of the twentieth century by a board of writers convened by Random Houses Modern Library.

By no means have American sensibilities manifested the only proclivity for censorship. In 1557, the Catholic Church placed The Prince, arguably the first great work of modern political science by acclaimed Florentine author Niccolo Machiavelli, on the Index of Prohibited Books because of how sharply its cold political realism contrasted with a traditional fondness for Platonic idealism among humanist thinkers with an opinion on how political entities should be governed. Almost a century later, the Catholic Church persecuted Galileo for his belief that the earth revolves around the sun.

It is probably wishful thinking to hope the threat of censorship will ever die.

These are only a few examples of the incessant clashes between power and progress. Censorship is not new to Western civilization. Fortunately, however, Western civilization has been resilient when confronted with the reactionary tides of law and government. The breakthroughs of art and science have invariably triumphed over the attempts of established authorities to halt their progress. Suffice to say I am happy to have read The Prince and Ulysses, and I can report I do not believe the earth lies at the center of the universe. Joyce, Machiavelli, and Galileo may have offended contemporary sensibilities, but civilization owes them a debt of gratitude for their loyalty to progress in the arts and sciences.

It is probably wishful thinking to hope the threat of censorship will ever die. Indeed, it now appears that modern censors have turned their scornful eye to, among other works, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, the 1884 masterpiece of American literature by acclaimed author Mark Twain. In 2016, for example, the Accomack Country Public Schools in Virginia pulled copies of To Kill a Mockingbird and The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn from classrooms and libraries after a parent complained about racial slurs in both classics, and has formed a committee to recommend a permanent policy. In 2015, the Friends Central School in a suburb of Philadelphia removed Mark Twains Adventures of Huckleberry Finn from its 11th-grade curriculum after complaints from students who said they were made uncomfortable by the novel. In 2002 and 2007, the book found itself on the American Library Associations list of Top Ten Most Challenged Books List.

It is not the first time The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn has confronted the headwinds of censorship. The novel was banned a year after its publication by librarians in Concord, MA, who said it was not suitable for trash. But as evidenced above, censorship does not deter pioneering works in art and science, and The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn was an impressively pioneering work. It has since become a classic of American literature, and Nobel prize-winning author Ernest Hemingway once claimed that [a]ll modern American literature comes from one book by Mark Twain called Huckleberry Finn. American writing comes from that. There was nothing before. There has been nothing as good since. Hemingway is allowed his opinion on the history of American literature, but few can dispute the enormous achievement of a work that so authentically captures the dialect, norms, habits, prejudices, and humanity of American life in the nineteenth century.

The n-word is tossed around in conversation like we might ask for anchovies or pepperoni when ordering a pizza.

The novel is not only an authentic account of nineteenth century American life, but also an exquisite work of dramatic fiction. The story is about a friendship that develops between an errant white boy named Huck Finn and a runaway black slave named Jim as they sail down the Mississippi River on a raft. They encounter the best and worst of human nature: the honor and foolishness of two warring families that end up killing each other like Montagues and Capulets when the daughter of one elopes with the son of another; the tarring and feathering of two knaves who tried to steal the inheritance of three young heiresses; and the benevolent hospitality of a family that holds Jim hostage after he is captured as a runaway slave. In the last case, Huck Finn and Tom Sawyer hoodwink the family by devising an elaborate plan to free Jim. The adventures come to an end when the family discovers, after Jim escapes and then is caught, that Huck and Tom were behind the plan to free Jim. Toms Aunt Polly (a relative of the family) shows up and announces that Jims owner gave him his freedom in her will. Meanwhile, Jim is commended by a community of one-time pursuers, who had been ready to lynch him, when a doctor tells how he came out of hiding to tend to Tom, who engineered Jims escape and was shot in the leg while running away from Jims pursuers.

There is no doubt the novel is a testament to the destructively endemic racism of American society during the nineteenth-century. The n-word is tossed around in conversation like we might ask for anchovies or pepperoni when ordering a pizza. But the stain of racism does not reside only in the ease and prevalence with which the n-word is used in common conversation. It is also to be found in the naked conviction with which white people regarded black people not only as members of an inferior race, but as pieces of property who could be bought and sold at auction like cattle or furniture. Huck himself uses the n-word liberally throughout the story when referring to Jim and black slaves, and he finds himself in a real fix once Jims humanity exerts a moral pull on his conscience. In what is the moral climax of the novel, he decides to help free Jim from slavery, despite being the creature of a society that taught him every step of the way to believe that abetting the escape of a slave is at best a theft of property, and at worst a treasonous act of sabotage against white society.

In fact, his father, a degenerate alcoholic who has no business offering opinions about the uprightness of other men, offers up one of the starkest illustrations of how despicably the average white man regarded black Americans. Complaining about the govment trying to take away his son, his father rants:

Oh, yes, this is a wonderful govment, wonderful. Why, looky here. There was a free nigger there from Ohioa mulatter, most as white as a white man. He had the whitest shirt on you ever see, too, and the shiniest hat; and there aint a man in that town thats got as fine clothes as what he had; and he had a gold watch and chain, and a silver-headed canethe awfulest old gray-headed nabob in the state. And what do you think? They said he was a pfessor in a college, and could talk all kinds of languages, and knowed everything. And that aint the wust. They said he could vote when he was at home. Well, that let me out. Thinks I, what is the country a-coming to? It was lection day, and I was just about to go and vote myself if I warnt too drunk to get there; but when they told me there was a state in this country where theyd let that nigger vote, I drawed out. I says Ill never vote aginI says to the people, why aint this nigger put up at auction and sold?

Twain was a master of irony and satire, and if this isnt a virtuosos display of satire, I dont know what it is. Here you have a degenerate alcoholic who shamelessly abuses his son, cusses him out for trying to put on airs and be better than his father, and tries to cheat Huck out of money a trustee holds in the bank on his behalf. He is a man appropriately held in contempt by everyone in Hucks community, and here he is ranting against a government that allows a black man to vote. The contrast is striking. It also is an incredibly effective way to show mankind at his worst, and to illustrate how white American attitudes dehumanized black people in the nineteenth century. Twains novel is one of the most biting criticisms of racism and slavery one can find in American literature. Like the sixteenth president of the United States, Abraham Lincoln, Twain was much ahead of his time.

But what does any of this have to do with the Black Lives Matter movement of the twenty-first century?

Toward the end of the novel, Huck, having been separated from Jim, discovers that Jim is being held prisoner at the home of man named Silas Phelps. Huck devises a plan to steal Jim from the cabin where he is imprisoned. Along the way, he runs into Aunt Sally, who turns out to be Silass wife. Fortuitously, Huck is mistaken for Tom Sawyer, who is a relative of the Phelps family and is slated to arrive any day. But at first Huck does not know she was expecting Tom, only that she was expecting someone, and since she apparently assumes Huck is the boy she was expecting, Huck plays along. In the course of answering a question about where he landed, Huck contrives a story about how his steamboat had an accident:

It warnt the groundingthat didnt keep us back but a little. We blowed out a cylinder head.

Good gracious! Anybody hurt?

Nom. Killed a nigger.

Well, its lucky; because sometimes people do get hurt.

I stopped and thought, wow, no one is hurt, but a black person dies, and the reaction is, [w]ell, its lucky, because sometimes people do get hurt.

The movement has encountered resistance, or at least resentment, from groups like Blue Lives Matter as well as political figures who recite the obvious truth that all lives matter.

As someone who has followed the Black Lives Matter movement with some degree of misgiving, and with a measure of sympathy for the Blue Lives Matter and a measure of forgiveness for those who profess that all lives matter, I had a moment of great clarity when I came across this passage in the novel. Aunt Sallys reaction to Hucks false report illustrates a crucial point that proponents of Blue Lives Matter and All Lives Matter miss. For hundreds of years, white Americans dehumanized black people in the name of white supremacy. Even though much of the North was adamantly opposed to slavery when the 1850s rolled around, and though abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison were much ahead of their time advocating for social and political equality for blacks, racism was profoundly embedded in the collective consciousness of white society. It was so endemic that the friendship between Huck and Jim, one that becomes remarkably intimate as the story progresses, is nonetheless tainted in every dimension by ingrained assumptions made about white and black people, by both Huck and Jim, as evidenced most starkly by the common use of the n-word.

The depth of these assumptions is illustrated by how natural it was for otherwise good decent law-abiding citizens to see black people as a race distinct from themselves. There was a fundamental incapacity on the part of white people to regard black people as anything but their inferiors. The perception that black lives were insignificant (except as pieces of property) was so normal that the loss of a black life in a steamboat accident elicits Aunt Sallys remark: its lucky, because sometimes people do get hurt. So, umm, black people are not really people? Here was one of the starkest examples I had ever encountered of the irredeemable brutality of racism in the nineteenth century.

Blue Lives Matter and All Lives Matter seem incapable of appreciating a point clearly illustrated by Aunt Sallys remark: that systemic divisions in society make it seem like black lives do not matter in the way that white lives do. Obviously, we no longer live in the era of slavery and Jim Crow. Civil rights legislation is a half-century old. Racism is prevalent, but instead of being an institutional force we strive to uphold, it is rightfully regarded as an evil malaise we seek to eradicate. Nonetheless, the legacy of racism is long, and it reaches far and wide. It should come as no surprise that attitudes and habits about white supremacy and race relations once hard coded into the collective consciousness of white America still filter through attitudes and habits which, though they have undoubtedly evolved, still bear the residue of their original form of destructively naked racism.

This legacy is why efforts to ban The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn from school curriculums are ultimately self-defeating. The Black Lives Matter movement arose in the incendiary aftermath of the death of Trayvon Martin and has sought to focus attention on issues like police brutality and systemic racism in the twenty-first century. The movement has encountered resistance, or at least resentment, from groups like Blue Lives Matter as well as political figures who recite the obvious truth that all lives matter. It is certainly true that white lives matter, as do the lives of police officers. The Black Lives Matter movement does not disagree. It only asks that black lives also matter in American society.

Censorship does not breed awakening. Healthy, active debate does.

Those who would seek to censor The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn should consider how clearly and powerfully the novel conveys this crucial point. Censorship denies students the opportunity to study a classic of American literature, but it also burns a bridge of communication with reactionary forces that remain blind, or oblivious, to prevailing attitudes that undermine the cause of racial equality. How can you establish a line of communication with reactionary groups if you can find no way to portray your concerns in a way that is clear to them? As one Pen America essay writes: The best defense against hateful ignorance is open, honest discussion, and early interventionhigh schools, maybe even junior high schoolsis key. It is one thing for students to memorize the Emancipation Proclamation for a social studies quiz; its another, much richer, more complicated assignment for them [to] dive head first into the sick and strange psychology of racism made commonplace under the institution of slavery.

Rereading the passage in which Aunt Sally is blithe and callous about the loss of a black life was the watershed moment when I realized the central meaning of Black Lives Matter. Some may object that we no longer live in the nineteenth century, and that black lives matter in a way they did not back in the nineteenth century. This is true, but it is still worth debating the extent to which that claim holds in the era of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, and other black men who should still be alive today. At the very least, lets understand the fundamental message of Black Lives Matter. It is not that black lives matter more than white lives or blue lives. It is that black lives matter as much as white and blue lives do. In its depiction of the dehumanization of black slaves in nineteenth-century America, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn made this point crystal clear for me.

Censorship does not breed awakening. Healthy, active debate does. As the Pen America essay writes: [w]hile outright banning is puritanical and dangerous, I hope books like Huck Finn will always be challenged. It shows that our culture is still engaging in meaningful debate, and that the next generation will continue to question the beliefs theyve inherited. If theres anyone in American lit tough enough to handle the melee, its Huck.Indeed, Huck Finn is taught by the culture in which he is raised that freeing a slave is an unpardonable sin. Yet after getting to know Jim as a human being while floating down the Mississippi River, he eventually sheds the moral presumptions of his age and decides to help free Jim. Huck Finn is a textbook case of moral awakening.

Social justice warriors often argue that acculturation acclimates us to unjust societies. Thus, they seek to highlight all instances of injustice they can find in the culture in which injustice resides. Banning The Adventures of Huckleberry Sin undermines this purpose. Instead of holding up a mirror to society, censors effectively allow reactionary forces to persist in their prejudices by denying them a window unto the pernicious consequences of racial prejudice. Censorship also impedes efforts to counter misperceptions about the meaning of Black Lives Matter. These misperceptions can arise if people fail to appreciate the legacy of a time when black lives truly did not matter to white Americahow else to explain Aunt Sally expressing relief that no white person was hurt in a steamboat accident while ignoring the death of a black person? Censoring The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn deprives us of an opportunity to appreciate the progressive aim of Black Lives Matter.

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The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn Promotes the Cause of Black Lives Matter - The Good Men Project (blog)

#BlackLivesMatter College Course Aims to Educate People Beyond The Hashtag and Slogan – The Root

Most people only know the phrase Black Lives Matter as a slogan and a hashtag; they dont understand the true meaning behind the movement. There are many rumors, misconceptions and misrepresentations of what it is about, but a new class at the University of Washington aims to change that.

La Tasha Levy told UW Today that at first she was worried that her class would be out of date, because everyone has seen the signs, heard the slogan and either watched or participated directly in marches to protest racism and violence against Black Americans, but she realized thats what made her class important going beyond Black Lives Matter as a slogan.

Levys class, #BlackLivesMatter in Media and Popular Culture is offered this spring at the University of Washington.

Black Lives Matter has almost become a household name, Levy said, but its not clear the extent to which people are plugged into the analysis of race, the disparities in housing, employment and police violence all the intellectual arguments that are part of it.

According to UW Today, Levys course of one of only a few in the country and one of only two offered in the state of Washington. Many colleges and universities have had symposiums, guest speakers and teach-ins, but few have an actual for-credit class offered.

Levys class has an enrollment of 36 students who meet twice weekly to examine readings and videos about issues such as the history of black liberation efforts, the role of LGBTQ people in Black Lives Matter, criminalization of youth of color, the effectiveness of protest and what it means to be a movement ally.

At the beginning of the quarter, the class began by identifying and exploring the backgrounds of Black Lives Matter founders Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi, and that discussion expanded into students sharing opinions and insights from observations and their own experiences.

For their final project, students are required to create an educational resource for children, teens or adults that raises awareness, deepens understanding or counters misinformation.

Levy believes balancing personal anecdotes and opinions with intellectual analysis is an important part of the learning process.

Its a politically charged topic, and some students might be shy because they dont want to say the wrong thing, she said. But this isnt about advocacy for Black Lives Matter. I dont want to shut down opposing viewpoints or critical viewpoints. I want them to think about challenges and obstacles and shortcomings, and how we learn from those.

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#BlackLivesMatter College Course Aims to Educate People Beyond The Hashtag and Slogan - The Root

‘Demolish that lie’: James Forman Jr takes on Black Lives Matter … – The Guardian

In terms of addressing crime issues in the black community, the dominant political class has historically refused to endorse the full slate of reforms along lines of education, economic security, housing, etc, necessary to address the root causes. Photograph: Alamy

In the conservative backlash to the Black Lives Matter movement, deflection to black on black crime has become a meme. Why, op-eds and pundits sputter, does the black community get so riled about police violence and yet remain silent about the gun and drug crime that savages so many of its own?

James Forman Jr, son of civil rights leader James Forman Sr, knew from his time as a public defender in Washington DC that such broadsides are patently wrong. In his new book, Locking Up Our Own, he goes beyond the broader argument that its reasonable to expect more from sworn law enforcement than from street criminals to make clear that the charge is simply wrong on face value too.

I think of it as a 239-page rebuttal to the claim that black people and their elected leaders only care about crime when its [committed by] the police, Forman told the Guardian. If theres one thing that I hope the book does, its demolish that lie.

His book sets up camp, however, on a deeply uncomfortable truth. Over the past half-century, in moments when black leadership has had the power to direct policy, such leaders have reliably chosen to embrace the types of tough on crime tactics that have lead the US to becoming the most carceral nation in the world. For the most part, such leaders did so with the broad support of constituents seeking safety from the urban crises that colored the second half of the 20th century.

The words and deeds of black law enforcement officials and politicians, Forman writes, so often overlooked in the histories of the war on drugs, are crucial to explaining why and how the war developed as it did in American cities.

Now a professor at Yale Law School, Forman has Washington in his sights. The city was known, at various point through the century, as both Chocolate City and Americas murder capital. Forman worked there as a public defender for six years in the 1990s, at the tail end of its most violent years.

What was going on? How did a majority-black jurisdiction end up incarcerating so many of its own?

He opens with a question that gnawed at him as he argued in front of black judges and juries, against black prosecutors and for black clients who were, in many cases, arrested by black officers in a city that was about 70% black:

What was going on? How did a majority-black jurisdiction end up incarcerating so many of its own?

In many cases, what was being handed down was the type of hardline answer to crime usually placed solely at the feet of conservatives like Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. But in Washington, for example, it was a black electorate and leadership that killed a 1975 bill to decriminalize marijuana.

This was not a story in which a white majority, acting out of indifference or hostility to black lives, imposed tough criminal penalties that disproportionately burdened a black minority, Forman writes.

Quite the opposite: the leaders of the decriminalization effort were white and it was blacks who killed marijuana decriminalization in DC.

In the 1980s, this trend toward punitive justice continued. A 1982 ballot initiative to enact harsh mandatory minimum sentences for violent criminals passed in a landslide, with more support in black and poor districts than in their whiter and more affluent equivalents.

There was broad support, in Washington and elsewhere, for tough penalties for gun crime and the distribution of hard drugs.

For PCP dealers, said the Los Angeles Sentinel, a prominent black newspaper, in 1980, no punishment was too harsh. Such dealers deserved to be tarred and feathered, burned at the stake, castrated, and any other horrendous thing which can be imagined, editors opined. The column was signed: The Los Angeles Sentinel and the rest of the Black Community.

The reasons for such attitudes are many, but Forman finds explanations more interesting than simple moral panic. To some extent, such draconian policy could be traced to the chaste sobriety that nationalism such as the pro-black nationalism that was ascending at the time tends to bring in tow.

Forman quotes from a speech by Kwame Ture, formerly known as Stokely Carmichael, in 1970: Fighting against drugs is revolutionary because drugs are a trick of the oppressor.

Forman also suggests such hardline policies were in part a reaction to historic underpolicing of black communities. For 400 years black lives are never protected, he said, adding that black leadership, when finally achieved, was then bound and determined to do something different which produced this kind of extra vigilance.

In his book, Forman writes: To many African American observers, the revolving door by which criminals would be punished lightly and let go was discriminatory.

It spun fastest for the criminals who victimized blacks.

The book is long on disclaimers, seeking to avoid claims of victim blaming or anything similar. Forman is clear: everything he outlines happened or is happening under the macrocosm of white supremacy, which imposes the reality that fosters crime and the constraints that winnow down possible responses.

He acknowledges that his unique pedigree, via his father and his career as a public defender, may have offered him some degree of cover.

To say its a fraught topic is correct and I was very conscious the entire time of potential missteps, he said.

In his text, Forman seeks to ensure that readers understand his perspective. He relays one story, from his time as a public defender, in which a prosecutor refused to offer one of his clients drug treatment in lieu of a jail sentence because she had been admitted to such a program before, on a prior charge.

And yet, he writes, our system never treated the failure of prison as a reason not to try more prison.

Its bona fides like that which give Forman license to complicate our memory of the war on drugs, and to issue the following warning: In terms of addressing crime issues in the black community, the dominant political class has historically refused to endorse the full slate of reforms along lines of education, economic security, housing, etc, necessary to address the root causes.

But if the quarter loaf is going to be law enforcement, its better to have no loaf. For black people in America, we cant make this mistake again.

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'Demolish that lie': James Forman Jr takes on Black Lives Matter ... - The Guardian