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Next week marks a decade since Black Lives Matter began disrupting our lives. The media doesnt mention the group much anymore, mainly to avoid embarrassing evidence of its corruption. But BLM has changed the nation in profound ways, perhaps permanentlyand continues to do so.

This transformation of America was deliberate. The nations newspapers robotically speak of a racial reckoning following BLMs founding in 2013, and especially after the killing of George Floyd in 2020, as if this truly was a movement that forced America to deal with its sins.

In reality, the founders of BLM were hard-boiled Marxists who had been waiting in the wings to revolutionize America for years prior to 2013. Their goal was not the improvement of conditions in black America, but the dismantling of the family, capitalism, and representative democracy.

The media has hidden this truth or lied about it.

Heres what actually transpired: On July 13, 2013, a Florida jury acquitted volunteer neighborhood watchman George Zimmerman of murdering 17-year-old black teenager Trayvon Martin after a scuffle. That day, the Oakland activist Alicia Garza posted a message to Facebook to express her deep sense of grief. The post contained either the assertion Black Lives Matter or Our lives matter. It isnt clear which.

What is clear, however, is that Garzas comrade, Patrisse Cullors, another veteran activist, reacted that night by creating #BlackLivesMatter. Two days later, a third militant, Opal Tometi, reached out to Garza and said, Ive seen this emerging hashtag that Patrisse and you put online a day or two ago. I think we need to build a website and I think we need to elevate it and make sure that were using it across our network and beyond.

The hashtag became a movement in the burning streets of Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014.

The rest is indeed history. It should be studied as history, with historians carefully unearthing evidence one piece at a time, especially given how widespread the cultural change has been since 2013, and then, more rapidly, since 2020.

Instead, we have hollow incantations such as The Washington Post saying a few months ago, The protests after the murder of George Floyd led to a society-wide rethinking of Americas policies toward black Americans. Or The New York Times just last week intoning how programs to hire and promote minorities have been prominent in corporate America in recent years, especially in the reckoning over race after the 2020 murder of George Floyd.

A reckoning suggests that America is finally being held accountable for its evils.

But these diversity, equity, and inclusion programs; along with the equally proliferating anti-racism sessions; the application of critical race theory and gender theory notions in classrooms; and the imposition of environmental, social, and governance practices on unsuspecting shareholders, have thrived because of a falsehood that BLM successfully implanted. That being the self-evidently farcical idea that America is systemically racist and oppressive.

Elites and the administrators of nearly all our cultural institutions reacted to the shock of hundreds of street riots in 2020 by surrendering and swallowing whole that offending fabrication, which by logical extension means that America is in urgent need of a systemic overhaul. People need to be deprogrammed and then reprogrammed by an army of race trainers. Government, schools, and the private sector must enact race-conscious programs and policies.

Except that parents rose up and began protesting these absurdities almost immediately. They elected Glenn Youngkin governor of purple Virginia in 2021 and gave Ron DeSantis an unheard-of 20-point margin in his reelection as Florida governor in 2022.

States have been eliminating diversity, equity, and inclusion from their colleges and universities, while others are banning fund managers that practice ESG from managing state pensions. Congress has also started going after diversity, equity, and inclusion. The business of anti-racism training is down. And the Supreme Court reminded us again last week that race-conscious policies are unconstitutional.

There was no widespread and spontaneous reckoning. When Tometi wrote in July 2013 of using our network and beyond to amplify a message, she knew she could rely on an intricate lacework of far-leftist groups to organize protests, as researcher Ariel Sheen has documented.

These organizations included the Labor Community Strategy Center in Los Angeles and the School of Unity and Liberation, which recruited Cullors and Garza at very young ages to train them in the ideological and practical aspects of Marxism.

Through these, Garza, Cullors, and later, Tometi started attending gatherings of wider networks such as LeftRoots, Left Forum, and the U.S. Social Forum. The last one was created by global Marxists in 2007 for the express purpose of planting a beachhead within the belly of the best.

A year earlier, Venezuelas dictator, Hugo Chavez, had joined American Marxists attending the World Social Forum in Caracas to take the battle home. We count on you, companeros, we count on you! Chavez said, using the term Cuban communists use for comrade. He added that essential to this formula to save the world are the people of the U.S.

Garza, at the age of 26, was on the organizing committee of the first U.S. Social Forum in 2007. As she put it to a USSF gathering in 2010, the USSF was created because she and other activists had been told at global gatherings of the World Social Forum, I need you to go home and talk to your comrades, and your companeros, right? And talk about and figure out what youre going to do to take your foot off our neck.

It was at that first forum that the National Domestic Workers Alliance was founded, and it was the National Domestic Workers Alliance seven years later that sent Garza to Ferguson to organize BLM into a global network.

The country has paid a heavy toll since. Civilian homicides rose by 10% between 2014 and 2019 in localities where BLM protested after Ferguson. According to Gallup, pride in being American among Democrats began a steep decline in 2013, when it was at 56%, compared to 29% today. And America is being turned upside down.

But a reckoning this isnt. The founding we mourn next week looks more like the start of an uprising that was organized within our gates.

This article first appeared in the Washington Examiner.

Have an opinion about this article? To sound off, please email letters@DailySignal.com, and well consider publishing your edited remarks in our regular We Hear You feature. Remember to include the URL or headline of the article plus your name and town and/or state.

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Reckoning With the Marxists of Black Lives Matter 10 Years Later - Daily Signal

The FBIs primary tool for monitoring social media threats is the same contractor that labeled peaceful Black Lives Matter protest leaders DeRay McKesson and Johnetta Elzie as threat actors requiring continuous monitoring in 2015.

The contractor, ZeroFox, identified McKesson and Elzie as posing a high severity physical threat, despite including no evidence that McKesson or Elzie were suspected of criminal activity. Its been almost a decade since the referenced 2015 incident and in that time we have invested heavily in fine-tuning our collections, analysis and labeling of alerts, Lexie Gunther, a spokesperson for ZeroFox, told The Intercept, including the addition of a fully managed service that ensures human analysis of every alert that comes through the ZeroFox Platform to ensure we are only alerting customers to legitimate threats and are labeling those threats appropriately.

The FBI, which declined to comment, hired ZeroFox in 2021, a fact referenced in the new 106-page Senate report about the intelligence communitys failure to anticipate the January 6, 2021, uprising at the U.S. Capitol. The June 27 report, produced by Democrats on the Senate Homeland Security Committee, shows the bureaus broad authorities to surveil social media content authorities the FBI previously denied it had, including before Congress. It also reveals the FBIs reliance on outside companies to do much of the filtering for them.

The FBIs $14 million contract to ZeroFox for FBI social media alerting replaced a similar contract with Dataminr, another firm with a history of scrutinizing racial justice movements. Dataminr, like ZeroFox, subjected the Black Lives Matter movement to web surveillance on behalf of the Minneapolis Police Department, previous reporting by The Intercept has shown.

In testimony before the Senate in 2021, the FBIs then-Assistant Director for Counterterrorism Jill Sanborn flatly denied that the FBI had the power to monitor social media discourse.

So, the FBI does not monitor publicly available social media conversations? asked Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema.

Correct, maam. Its not within our authorities, Sanborn replied, citing First Amendment protections barring such activities.

Sanborns statement was widely publicized at the time and cited as evidence that concerns about federal government involvement in social media were unfounded. But, as the Senate report stresses, Sanborns answer was false.

FBI leadership mischaracterized the Bureaus authorities to monitor social media, the report concludes, calling it an exaggeration of the limits on FBIs authorities, which in fact are quite broad.

It is under these authorities that the FBI sifts through vast amounts of social media content searching for threats, the report reveals.

Prior to 2021, FBI contracted with the company Dataminr that used pre-defined search terms to identify potential threats from voluminous open-source posts online, which FBI could then investigate further as appropriate, the report states, citing internal FBI communications obtained as part of the committees investigation. Effective Jan. 1, 2021, FBIs contract for these services switched to a new company called ZeroFox that would perform similar functions under a new system.

The FBI has maintained that its intent is not to scrape or otherwise monitor individual social media activity, instead insisting that it seeks to identify an immediate alerting capability to better enable the FBI to quickly respond to ongoing national security and public safety-related incidents. Dataminr has also previously told The Intercept that its software does not provide any government customers with the ability to target, monitor or profile social media users, perform geospatial, link or network analysis, or conduct any form of surveillance.

While it may be technically true that flagging social media posts based on keywords isnt the same as continuously flagging posts from a specific account, the notion that this doesnt amount to monitoring specific users is misleading. If an account is routinely using certain keywords (e.g. #BlackLivesMatter), flagging those keywords would surface the same accounts repeatedly.

The 2015 threat report for which ZeroFox was criticized specifically called for continuous monitoring of McKesson and Elzie. In an interview with The Intercept, Elzie stressed how incompetent the FBIs analysis of social media was in her situation. She described a visit the FBI paid her parents in 2016, telling them that it was imperative she not attend the Republican National Convention in Cleveland an event she says she had no intention of attending and which troll accounts on Twitter bearing her name claimed she would be at to foment violence. (The FBI confirmed that it was reaching out to people to request their assistance in helping our community host a safe and secure convention, but did not respond to allegations that they were trying to discourage activists from attending the convention.)

My parents were like why would she be going to the RNC? And thats where the conversation ended because they couldnt answer that.

I dont think [ZeroFox] should be getting $14 million dollars [from] the same FBI that knocked on my familys door [in Missouri] and looked for me when it was world news that I was in Baton Rouge at the time, Elzie told The Intercept. Theyre just very unserious, both organizations.

The FBI was so dependent on automated social media monitoring for ascertaining threats that the temporary loss of access to such software led to panic by bureau officials.

This investigation found that FBIs efforts to effectively detect threats on social media in the lead-up to January 6th were hampered by the Bureaus change in contracts mere days before the attack, the report says. Internal FBI communications obtained by the Committee show how that transition caused confusion and concern as the Bureaus open-source monitoring capabilities were degraded less than a week before January 6th.

One of the FBI communications obtained by the committee was an email from an FBI official at the Washington Field Office, lamenting the loss of Dataminr, which the official deemed crucial.

Their key term search allows Intel to enter terms we are interested in without having to constantly monitor social media as well receive notification alerts when a social media posts [sic] hits on one of our key terms, the FBI official said.

The amount of time saved combing through endless streams of social media is spent liaising with partners and collaborating and supporting operations, the email continued. We will lose this time if we do not have a social media tool and will revert to scrolling through social media looking for concerning posts.

But civil libertarians have routinely cautioned against the use of automated social media surveillance tools not just because they place nonviolent, constitutionally protected speech under suspicion, but also for their potential to draw undue scrutiny to posts that represent no threat whatsoever.

While tools like ZeroFox and Dataminr may indeed spare FBI analysts from poring over timelines, the companys in-house definition of what posts are relevant or constitute a threat can be immensely broad. Dataminr has monitored the social media usage of people and communities of color based on law enforcement biases and stereotypes.

A May report by The Intercept also revealed that the U.S. Marshals Services contract with Dataminr had the company relaying not only information about peaceful abortion rights protests, but also web content that had no apparent law enforcement relevance whatsoever, including criticism of the Met Gala and jokes about Donald Trumps weight.

The FBI email closes noting that Dataminr is user friendly and does not require an expertise in social media exploitation. But that same user-friendliness can lead government agencies to rely heavily on the companys designations of what is important or what constitutes a threat.

The dependence is mutual. In its Securities and Exchange Commission filing, ZeroFox says that one U.S. government customer accounts for a substantial portion of its revenue.

Additional reporting by Sam Biddle.

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FBI Hired Social Media Surveillance Firm That Labeled Black Lives Matter Organizers Threat Actors - The Intercept

By Scott Frickel and Fernando Tormos-Aponte

Hundreds of scientists protested government efforts to restrict educational access to Western science theories, including Darwins theory of evolution, in June 2023 in India. Similarly, scientists in Mexico participated in a research strike in May 2023 to protest a national law they claimed would threaten the conditions for basic research. And during the same month in Norway, three scientists were arrested for protesting the nations slow-moving climate policy.

As these among many other actions show, scientists today are speaking out on a variety of political and social issues related to their own research fields and in solidarity with other social movements.

We are social scientists who study the relationship between science and society. Through our work, weve noticed more scientists seem empowered to advocate for a wide range of policy issues. Were interested in how the surge in science activism may be changing the norms of scientific research.

With colleagues, we recently reviewed and summarized a growing body of studies examining how scientists are mobilizing for social activism and political protest. We also surveyed 2,208 members of the Union of Concerned Scientists Science Network to learn more about scientists political engagement. Here is what we have found so far.

Science activism has long been considered taboo, as many in the field fear that politicizing science undermines its objectivity. Even so, scientist-activists have still managed to shape the U.S. political landscape throughout history. Over the past century, for example, scientists have protested the atomic bomb, pesticides, wars in Southeast Asia, genetic engineering and the federal response to the AIDS epidemic.

More recently, the election of Donald Trump in 2016 triggered a wave of political mobilization not seen in the United States since the Vietnam War era. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change activism, Black Lives Matter and the #MeToo movement, scientists have also mobilized, and science advocacy organizations are playing important roles.

Some groups, like March for Science and Scientist Rebellion, are new and claim dozens of chapters and thousands of members around the world. In addition, older organizations like the Union of Concerned Scientists are growing, while once-defunct organizations like Science for the People have reemerged.

Science organizing also happens within universities, graduate student unions and professional associations. These groups use their connections to local communities and larger networks of science professionals to mobilize others in the scientific community.

Many science advocacy groups borrow protest tactics from previous eras, like mass marches and teach-ins. Others are more innovative, including die-ins at medical schools to protest police racial violence and data-rescue hackathons to protect public access to government data.

Some efforts mirror conventional forms of politics, like 314 Action, an organization that supports political candidates with STEM backgrounds. Others are more confrontational, such as Scientist Rebellion, some members of which blocked roads and bridges to demand action on the climate emergency.

Or, science advocacy can look indistinguishable from typical academic practices, like teaching. A new course taught by an MIT physics professor titled Scientist Activism: Gender, Race and Power helps raise student awareness about the political nature of science.

Well need more research to determine how the resurgence of scientist activism is influencing politics and policy. But we can already point to some effects the growth of science advocacy organizations, increased media attention to scientist activism, climate-friendly changes in investment policies at some universities, and more STEM-trained politicians. However, we also expect that impending crises, like climate change, may be driving acceptance of activism within the scientific community.

For example, when we asked scientists how often they should be politically active, 95% of our surveyed scientists answered sometimes, most of the time, or always. Our surveyed population is, by definition, politically engaged. But this near-uniform level of support for political action suggests that the professional norms that have long sanctioned scientist activism may be shifting.

Other findings from the survey strengthen this interpretation. Scientist activism often entails some level of personal or professional risk. But 75% of respondents told us their science-based advocacy had the support of their employers. Most surprisingly for us, respondents were twice as likely to report that activism helped to advance their careers 22% rather than damage them 11%.

Our survey did find, however, that nonwhite scientists are more vulnerable to the risks of engaging in science advocacy. Seventeen percent of nonwhite scientists report negative career repercussions from their science advocacy, compared with less than 10% among white scientists. Yet compared with white respondents, nonwhite respondents are also more likely to engage in science advocacy.

While nonwhite respondents report higher rates of negative career impacts, the percentage reporting higher rates of career advancement from advocacy 31% was nearly double that for white respondents 18%. This difference suggests that science advocacy has deeper career consequences both good and bad among nonwhite scientists. Although they are more likely to be rewarded for this activity, they are exposed to greater risk for doing so.

Two lessons emerge from our research thus far. First, our findings indicate that science activism may be gaining legitimacy within the scientific community. In this context, social media is helping mobilize and raise visibility among younger researchers. These researchers political experiences are informed by the climate justice, Black Lives Matter and #MeToo movements. As this newer generation of science activists moves into the profession, they will continue to shift the cultural norms of science.

Second, because race unevenly structures scientists experiences with activism, science activists can build on their current momentum by embracing intersectional solidarity. This means taking actions to center and engage marginalized groups within science. Intersectional solidarity can deepen activist engagement, enhance and diversify recruitment efforts, and increase its impact on social and ecological change.

Scott Frickel is a professor of Sociology and Environment and Society at Brown University. Fernando Tormos-Aponte is an assistant sociology professor at the University of Pittsburgh. They wrote this piece for The Conversation, where it first appeared.

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Science activism is surging. This is why | Opinion - Pennsylvania Capital-Star

LAWRENCE Birthdays are supposed to be a joyous occasion. But on March 13, 2020, as Matthew Kane might normally have been celebrating, he heard the news of the killing of Breonna Taylor by police in her apartment, and it was also the day the country largely shut down for the COVID-19 pandemic. Eight months later, the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol moved him to write about his reactions to the violence. The vulnerability of that writing inspired him to be unapologetically authentic in his doctoral dissertation, which then evolved into the new book Walk With Me: Stories of Black Mens Resilience and Well-being Through Twin Pandemics.

Kane came to the University of Kansas in 2018 for a doctorate in counseling psychology. Initially interested in being a clinician more than a researcher, he knew he needed to have a topic for his dissertation. As the pandemic unfolded alongside events such as the murders of Ahmaud Arbery and George Floyd, comedian Michael Che made a very serious comment that cemented the idea: There has always been a pandemic. One of social injustice, he said.

Thats when it felt like the world slowed down and we were forced to reckon with this, Kane said of the early days of the pandemic that coincided with violence. I wanted to create a counternarrative to the stories that inaccurately depicted Black people as socially violent and victims of their own ineptitude when it came to COVID-19.

That set the stage for Walk With Me, a book that blends interviews with six Black men of a wide range of ages who live across the country with research and theory in well-being, psychology, race, resilience and more. Kanes narrative combines chapters that tell the stories of how Black men navigated the experience of the pandemic and ongoing unrest with all the frustrations, challenges and successes that entailed.

Each of the books chapters are themed and balance stories with tenets of academic research. Coming from a strengths perspective, or focusing on what is right and beneficial in a person while holding and contextualizing their difficulties, themes include superpowers, heuristics, well-being strategies and Black support and scrutiny. Just as comic books and movies are full of stories about reluctant heroes who are not sure they want to bear the responsibility of saving the day, the books subjects shared their own stories of being alchemists or how they had to turn dire situations into good ones.

A lot of them didnt want to be but felt like they had to be in that role, Kane said of his subjects. There were feelings of hopelessness and exhaustion. But I thought it was necessary to highlight them and how they persevered or pushed back.

The book also examines how Americas history of racism and injustice manifested in new ways, including how states attempts to distribute vaccines were influenced by the history of redlining, then explores how the subjects navigated that experience and how they found safe spaces to process, laugh about, be mindful of what they went through and ultimately persevere.

While Walk With Me shares stories of everyday citizens, it also connects to research and literature in psychology, well-being and tenets of critical race theory, such as interest convergence, illustrated by how the subjects found an organization would display a Black Lives Matter sign when it became popular and beneficial for them to do so. But the stories are not weighted down with academic jargon, instead using real-life examples of research and theory at work.

From the minute I got close to defending my dissertation, I felt I could make this into a book, Kane said. I wanted to make it as minimally esoteric as possible. I wanted to make it accessible, so I added more everyday examples to go with the academics.

Brian Cole, associate professor of educational psychology and director of training in KUs counseling psychology doctoral program in the School of Education & Human Sciences, said Kane hit the mark of accessibility balanced with academic value.

Walk with Me instantly draws you in with compelling stories, accessible research and powerful lyrics. Matt Kane shines a light on Black mens resilience and well-being, two areas that are woefully underrepresented in the positive psychology and masculinities literature, Cole said.

Kanes work was also recognized by his peers, as the original manuscript, his dissertation, was recently selected for the American Psychological Association Society for the Psychological Study of Men and Masculinities Division 51 Loren Frankel Student Research Award, which is given annually to one student for outstanding dissertation work.

As he recently finished his doctorate, Kane is transitioning into a career in private therapy practice. After helping establish KUs student-operated positive psychology clinic, that provided nearly 1,000 hours of counseling to people across the state in the early days of the pandemic, hes now focusing on providing individual, couples and family therapy in Doylestown, Pennsylvania. He also hopes to continue teaching, lecturing and writing as well as updating editions of Walk With Me. For now, he hopes the book reaches young audiences, scholars and not just people already aligned with the pursuit of social justice, but anyone hoping to be an ally.

'Walk with Me is a powerful, well-researched narrative on how Black men employed their power skills navigating the twin challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic and social injustice, said Ngondi Kamatuka, director of KUs Center for Educational Opportunity Programs and assistant dean for diversity, equity & inclusion. It is the binoculars through which to see and appreciate their humanity and resiliency.

Image credit: "Walk With Me," by Matthew Kane

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Black men's resilience in the face of twin pandemics - KU Today

This rebellious streak was cemented by the toppling of Colston's statue at the height of Black Lives Matter protests in 2020, a moment that led many institutions and businesses to sever their associations with Colston's name. With M-Shed also hosting a permanent exhibition that explores the city's role in the transatlantic slave trade, Bristol's past is becoming more transparent.

Inevitably, though, the toppling of statues and renaming of Bristol institutions came up against fierce opposition. Conservative politicians like the Home Secretary Priti Patel described the changes in Bristol as "utterly disgraceful", while many right-wing news outlets alleged that Colston was being erased from Bristols history or said that we shouldn't judge historical characters on modern morals.

"When the music hall was renamed and when the statue was pulled down, it did more to confront this subject than ever before," said Collin, who believes it's a disservice to the abolitionists of the day to say that British society didn't know the slave trade was immoral. "Far from erasing history, it's done the exact opposite," he added. "It was the Victorians who erased history, and the lives of the enslaved Africans who were erased."

The bare plinth speaks louder than Colston's statue ever did, but Wilson explained how M-Shed met differing views when deciding what to do with the fallen effigy of the slave trader and philanthropist. Should it be left in the harbour, re-raised or placed in a museum, they asked the Bristolian public.

"It was eventually decided that the statue would be kept in this condition, with the graffiti preserved, so we have its historical context. It only happened two years ago, but it's already part of our history," said Wilson, as I took one last look at Colston's graffitied statue in M-Shed. "Honestly, it's the most interesting thing that's ever happened to this statue."

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The English city facing up to its troubled past - BBC