Archive for the ‘Black Lives Matter’ Category

Black Lives Matter Activist-Turned-Politician Wants You to Rethink the South – Governing

khalid kamau is no stranger to firsts.

He claims to be the first Black Lives Matter organizer elected to public office, and in his new position, he sits on the first city council of South Fulton, Ga., a brand new municipality on the outskirts of Atlanta. Now, he wants his city to be one of the first in the nation to make Election Day a holiday.

kamau (who prefers the lower-case spelling of his name, in keeping with Yoruban African tradition) is a Democratic socialist and former national convention delegate for the presidential campaign of U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders. He campaigned heavily for the incorporation of South Fulton, which has a population of 100,000 and became a city just last November. A few months later, voters repaid him with a spot on their new city's council.

Now he's on a crusade to turn his home into the "largestprogressive city in the South."

His first big order of business? Making it easier for people to vote.

kamau proposed legislation to make Election Day a city holiday, which he hopes will increase voter turnout and political participation. The ordinance passed the seven-member council with four votes last month, but it was vetoed by the mayor the following day. Councilmembers will have the chance to override that veto -- which would be another first for South Fulton -- on August 8, but they need five votes to do it.

Governing caught up with kamau to discuss his Election Day proposal, his vision for South Fulton and his experience as an activist-turned-politician.

The interview has been edited for clarity and length.

Walk me through the process of getting this Election Day resolution before city council. What obstacles have you faced?

I introduced the bill in two iterations. Option A was to just add a new holiday to the calendar. That didn't move forward in council because there would be an economic impact to the city by creating a new holiday. Option B, which passed, was to swap the Election Day holiday with Columbus Day, so it would be revenue-neutral for the city.

At the meeting, the mayor said, Whatever the council decides, I will go along with. The very next day, the mayor vetoed the bill. I would say there is about a 50/50 chance it passes next week. We need one more vote to override, and one councilperson is on the fence.

Why make Election Day a holiday?

To increase voter turnout and create a day of political education for the community.

Im planning a day of classes that will teach residents a variety of things: How do you get a stoplight or a stop sign in your neighborhood? How does the school board work? What does your state senator do? If the bill passes, those classes will be held on Election Day. If it does not pass, they will be held on the Saturday before Election Day.

As far as I know, we would be the second city, after Newark, N.J., to do this. [Several states have some form of a holiday on Election Day]. In Puerto Rico, Election Day is a holiday, and they have 50 percent turnout. That hasnt been the case in Newark, and in my eyes, the difference is that in Puerto Rico, it isnt just another day off -- its a cultural holiday. There's a whole set of traditions around voting. So just giving people the day off doesn't necessarily increase turnout.

So you plan to foster those same types of traditions with the holiday?

Yes. I want to encourage a culture of voting, which we do not currently have. I want kids and parents to be off at the same time on Election Day, so kids can watch their parents vote and take part in these classes well offer.

I represent the most densely populated and poorest district in the city. Many people in my district will tell you that no one has ever knocked on their door and asked for their vote. When I was knocking on doors during my election, three out of four people did not know that we were becoming a city.

So after that, I came to believe that the key to increasing turnout is having more political education. My volunteers went out with a laminated map of the city and our district, and gave out FAQ sheets with very basic questions and answers about city services. People don't know what an alderman does or what the county commissioner is. They don't know what those positions do, let alone who is running for them. So the biggest thing we can do is give everybody the day off so they have time to go through all this information.

There are some criticisms of bills like this, mainly that only government employees would get the day off. Some people say it would actually make it harder for retail employees to take the time to vote because their stores and businesses would be flooded with extra customers who aren't working. What is your response to that?

No matter what we do in this situation, working-class folks will unfortunately get short shrift. If we moved Election Day to a Saturday, it would still be working-class folks having to work that day.

But many businesses set their calendar by the citys calendar. I wish we could just mandate that, but in Georgia, we cant because of state preemption laws. But if the city and the school system both secure this holiday, more businesses will secure it as well -- and that's how a holiday grows.

Can you talk to me about the whole process of making South Fulton a city?

There has been a movement in the South, in conservative states especially, for wealthy areas to incorporate to get more local control over their governments and their tax dollars. Theres state legislation that mandates that income collected within city limits has to be spent within city limits.

In Fulton County, that has really accelerated over the last 10 to 15 years so that by 2007, every square mile had become incorporated except for this 140 square miles on the south side of town. Other cities began to annex the most valuable parts of unincorporated South Fulton, like areas with lots of corporate headquarters that contribute a lot in taxes but don't demand services.

So South Fulton was left with less and less of a tax base, so we ultimately had to incorporate just to stay financially viable. What the rest of the county likely didnt expect is that we became the third-largest city in the county.

Why did you decide to run for city council?

I went to elementary and middle school in the district that Im representing. My mom got sick so I moved home to take care of her, and I was living in the house I grew up in. That's where my slogan, "From Here, For Here" came from. [kamaus mother passed away a few weeks after his city council inauguration.]

This place also really excited me politically. South Fulton is 89 percent African-American with a median income $10,000 less than the median income in Atlanta. We are also really large, nearly the physical size of Atlanta. So there's this huge majority-black city that has the potential to become the largest progressive city in the South.

All this progressive stuff is happening in places like Seattle and California. I really saw this as a chance to show folks that a working-class black city could be progressive, that you don't need to be wealthy and white for these ideas to work. That's a criticism a lot of people have of leftist ideas: that they're not practical. We have to show that these ideas are economically viable and politically effective. I want to show the world and our neighbors that we can have our Election Day holiday and our higher minimum wage, and we can invest more in youth than in prisons.

Your bio says you're the first Black Lives Matter organizer elected to public office. How has your activism carried over to your current role in public office?

A lot of what I have learned about political education and progressive policies for working-class black folks, I learned at Black Lives Matter. I was an organizer for the Atlanta chapter. I'm still involved actually, just not as involved as I used to be.

In general, BLM and the millennial left is still trying to figure out whether they believe in electoral politics at all. There is a set of us that want to dismantle the entire system of government that we have now. I'm not there. My life's work in electoral politics is to make the argument that this system is redeemable and it is up to us, as millennials, to redeem it.

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Black Lives Matter Activist-Turned-Politician Wants You to Rethink the South - Governing

Ian Collins’ Epic Takedown Of Black Lives Matter – LBC

31 July 2017, 07:42

Ian Collins' Epic Take Down Of Black Lives Matter

00:01:48

Ian Collins labelled Black Lives Matter a "tin foil-hat organisation with a good name".

Protesters for Black Lives Matter demonstrated in east London on Saturday over the death of Rashan Charles last week.

Shadow Home Secretary Diane Abbott joined more than 100 people gathered outside Stoke Newington police station for the protest.

But speaking on his LBC show, Ian Collins said of the organisation: "It just sort of pitched up, gave itself this name - Black Lives Matter - well, what kind of politician is going to say 'I don't think black lives matter'. I don't agree with the organisation.

"The organisation is just tin foil-hat territory meets everyday angst, annoyance and politicised race wars.

"That's all it is. But give it a nice impressive name....

"It's like some of those terrorist organisations who were invited around the cabinet table. Somebody thought 'Oh, they are called the Brothers Of Peace, we must get them round'. No, no, the Brothers Of Peace are suicide bombers. Which bit do you not realise?"

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Ian Collins' Epic Takedown Of Black Lives Matter - LBC

Black lives matter! Self-taught black engineer, 25, builds a central news hub for the black community – TUKO.CO.KE

- A 25-year old self-taught engineer has developed a central news hub for the black community

- The hub generates news events from sites that majorly report on the black community

- The app developer says he intends to give the black community a platform that they cannot get in the mainstream media

A little over half a century ago, news in the African American people group generally originated from mainstream media organizations like CNN, Fox News, Or NBC, who have largely been viewed as prejudiced against blacks.

In the rare event that a black person was in the news, it was safe to speculate that they featured for the wrong reasons.

Fortunately, this is quickly changing - thanks to Eric Townsend.

The mobile app that grabs news from 8 different prominent websites to create a portal of black news in a mobile app, currently only available for iPhone. Courtesy: blavity.com

READ ALSO: Girl, 17, wears Black Lives Matter prom dress commemorating slain black men and women (photos)

The 25-year old self-taught engineer has invented a mobile app that serves as a lack community central news hub.

So, why a mobile app and not just a website?

Well, Townsend sought to tap into the ever growing mobile generation, hungry for digitally generated information and news.

Eric Townsend wants this to be the future of "Black News." Courtesy: Linkedin

READ ALSO: I was "too black" for my African American husband - white lady who identifies herself as BLACK speaks

The mobile app dubbed BLVCK gets news from more than five diverse noticeable sites to create a portal of black news in a mobile application, at present accessible for iPhone.

The father of one revealed that he needs to establish how the application fairs, adding that significant plans for growth are underway.for the versatile application.

The thinking behind making it a portable application, he says, emerges from attempting to push the more youthful black generation to get more acquainted about what is occurring around them.

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Black lives matter! Self-taught black engineer, 25, builds a central news hub for the black community - TUKO.CO.KE

Black lives matter, 100th anniversary edition | Pittsburgh Post-Gazette – Pittsburgh Post-Gazette


Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
Black lives matter, 100th anniversary edition | Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
The nation had never seen anything like it. On July 28, 1917, African-Americans marched en masse to demand their rights.

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Black lives matter, 100th anniversary edition | Pittsburgh Post-Gazette - Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

From the Silent Protest Parade to Black Lives Matter: 100 years on, the First Mass African-American Demo Remains … – Newsweek

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The only sounds were those of muffled drums, the shuffling of feet and the gentle sobs of some of the estimated 20,000 onlookers. The women and children wore all white. The men dressed in black.

On the afternoon of Saturday, July 28, 1917, nearly 10,000 African-Americans marched down Fifth Avenue, in silence, to protest racial violence and white supremacy in the United States.

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New York City, and the nation, had never before witnessed such a remarkable scene.

The Silent Protest Parade, as it came to be known, was the first mass African-American demonstration of its kind and marked a watershed moment in the history of the civil rights movement. As I have written in my book Torchbearers of Democracy, African-Americans during the World War I era challenged racism both abroad and at home. In taking to the streets to dramatize the brutal treatment of black people, the participants of the Silent Protest Parade indicted the United States as an unjust nation.

This charge remains true today.

One hundred years later, as black people continue to insist that Black Lives Matter, the Silent Protest Parade offers a vivid reminder about the power of courageous leadership, grassroots mobilization, direct action and their collective necessity in the fight to end racial oppression in our current troubled times.

One of the great accomplishments of the Black Lives Matter movement has been to demonstrate the continuum of racist violence against black people throughout American history and also the history of resistance against it. But as we continue to grapple with the hyper-visibility of black death, it is perhaps easy to forget just how truly horrific racial violence against black people was a century ago.

Prior to the Silent Protest Parade, mob violence and the lynching of African-Americans had grown even more gruesome. In Waco, a mob of 10,000 white Texans attended the May 15, 1916, lynching of a black farmer, Jesse Washington. One year later, on May 22, 1917, a black woodcutter, Ell Persons, died at the hands of over 5,000 vengeance-seeking whites in Memphis. Both men were burned and mutilated, their charred body parts distributed and displayed as souvenirs.

Even by these grisly standards, East St. Louis later that same summer was shocking. Simmering labor tensions between white and black workers exploded on the evening of July 2, 1917.

For 24 hours, white mobs indiscriminately stabbed, shot and lynched anyone with black skin. Men, women, children, the elderly, the disabled no one was spared. Homes were torched and occupants shot down as they attempted to flee. White militia men stood idly by as the carnage unfolded. Some actively participated. The death toll likely ran as high as 200 people.

The citys surviving 6,000 black residents became refugees.

East St. Louis was an American pogrom. The fearless African-American anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells traveled to the still smoldering city on July 4 and collected firsthand accounts of the aftermath. She described what she saw as an awful orgy of human butchery.

The devastation of East St. Louis was compounded by the fact that America was at war. On April 2, President Woodrow Wilson had thrown the United States into the maelstrom of World War I. He did so by asserting Americas singularly unique place on the global stage and his goal to make the world safe for democracy. In the eyes of black people, East St. Louis exposed the hypocrisy of Wilsons vision and America itself.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People quickly responded to the massacre. Founded in 1909, the NAACP had yet to establish itself as a truly representative organization for African-Americans across the country. With the exception of W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the NAACPs co-founders and editor of The Crisis magazine, the national leadership was all white. Branches were overwhelmingly located in the North, despite the majority of African-Americans residing below the Mason-Dixon line. As a result, the NAACP had largely failed to respond with a sense of urgency to the everyday horrors endured by the masses of black folk.

James Weldon Johnson changed things. Lawyer, diplomat, novelist, poet and songwriter, Johnson was a true African-American renaissance man. In 1916, Johnson joined the NAACP as a field secretary and made an immediate impact. In addition to growing the organizations southern membership, Johnson recognized the importance of expanding the influence of the NAACPs existing branches beyond the black elite.

Johnson raised the idea of a silent protest march at an executive committee meeting of the NAACP Harlem branch shortly after the East St. Louis riot. Johnson also insisted that the protest include the citys entire black community. Planning quickly got underway, spearheaded by Johnson and local black clergymen.

By noon on July 28, several thousand African-Americans had begun to assemble at 59th Street. Crowds gathered along Fifth Avenue. Anxious New York City police officers lined the streets, aware of what was about to take place but, with clubs at the ready, prepared for trouble.

At approximately 1 p.m., the protest parade commenced. Four men carrying drums began to slowly, solemnly play. A group of black clergymen and NAACP officials made up the front line. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had recently returned from conducting an NAACP investigation in East St. Louis, and James Weldon Johnson marched side by side.

The parade was a stunning spectacle. At the front, women and children wearing all-white gowns symbolized the innocence of African-Americans in the face of the nations guilt. The men, bringing up the rear and dressed in dark suits, conveyed both a mournful dignity and stern determination to stand up for their rights as citizens.

They carried signs and banners shaming America for its treatment of black people. Some read, Your hands are full of blood, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Mothers, do lynchers go to heaven? Others highlighted the wartime context and the hollowness of Americas ideals: We have fought for the liberty of white Americans in six wars; our reward was East St. Louis, Patriotism and loyalty presuppose protection and liberty, Make America safe for Democracy.

Throughout the parade, the marchers remained silent. The New York Times described the protest as one of the most quiet and orderly demonstrations ever witnessed. The silence was finally broken with cheers when the parade concluded at Madison Square.

The Silent Protest Parade marked the beginning of a new epoch in the long black freedom struggle. While adhering to a certain politics of respectability, a strategy employed by African-Americans that focused on countering racist stereotypes through dignified appearance and behavior, the protest, within its context, constituted a radical claiming of the public sphere and a powerful affirmation of black humanity. It declared that a New Negro had arrived and launched a black public protest tradition that would be seen in the parades of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s and the Black Lives Matter marches of today.

The Silent Protest Parade reminds us that the fight against racist violence and the killing of black people remains just as relevant now as it did 100 years ago. Black death, whether at the hands of a Baton Rouge police officer or white supremacist in Charleston, is a specter that continues to haunt this nation. The expendability of black bodies is American tradition, and history speaks to the long endurance of this violent legacy.

But history also offers inspiration, purpose and vision.

Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson and other freedom fighters of their generation should serve as models for activists today. That the Silent Protest Parade attracted black people from all walks of life and backgrounds attests to the need for organizations like the NAACP, following its recent national convention, to remember and embrace its origins. And, in building and sustaining the current movement, we can take lessons from past struggles and work strategically and creatively to apply them to the present.

Because, at their core, the demands of black people in 2017 remain the same as one of the signs raised to the sky on that July afternoon in 1917:

Give me a chance to live.

Chad Williams, associate professor of African and Afro-American Studies, Brandeis University.

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From the Silent Protest Parade to Black Lives Matter: 100 years on, the First Mass African-American Demo Remains ... - Newsweek