Archive for the ‘Black Lives Matter’ Category

WCCA TV picks of the week, Sunday, April 26 – Worcester Telegram

SundayApr26,2020at3:01AM

Monday, April 27 at 7 p.m.

"Journey of Words," hosted by author and poet Catherine Reed: Catherine interviews poet Irma Frey Stevens.

Tuesday, April 28 at 8 a.m.

"Democracy Now!," hosted by Amy Goodman: An independent news program featuring international journalists and grassroots leaders affected by world events.

Wednesday, April 29 at 7 p.m.

"What It's Worth," hosted by Tom Colletta: Tom welcomes Kim Kerrigan, author of "Making Civility Great Again."

Thursday, April 30 at 8 p.m.

"Hidden Treasures," hosted by Bill Safer: Bill and his guest, auctioneer Wayne Tuiskula, talk about the world of auctions.

Friday, May 1 at 9:30 p.m.

"League of Women Voters Presentation": Stephanie Shonekan, co-author of "Black Lives Matter & Music," discusses the intersection where identity, history, culture and music meet.

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WCCA TV picks of the week, Sunday, April 26 - Worcester Telegram

Coronavirus discriminates against Black lives through surveillance, policing and the absence of health data – The Conversation CA

The claim that COVID-19 and its associated medical and social responses do not discriminate belies the history of how pandemics work and who is most impacted by them. States of emergency show that citizenship privileges some, is partial for others and disappears others.

In our early analysis of national media coverage, those experts sharing the grim statistics of infections and deaths, those front-line workers seen as risking their lives and those who have lost loved ones are predominantly white. Black, Indigenous and racialized people, and many whose lives have been further imperilled by this pandemic, remain virtually disappeared from the Canadian landscape.

That makes collective care for members across our communities untenable. We take pause and reflect on how this will impact Black people across economy, health and policing, to name three areas of concern.

Black people tend to be employed in low-paying and highly feminized jobs: these include clerical jobs, janitorial staff, orderlies and nursing assistants who are now determined as essential services. Black people are also more likely to work in the grey and underground economy, which are forms of labour that might involve payments outside the regular labour force and taxation system, and not counted in GDP.

Effectively, anti-Black racism has already ensured that Black people and undocumented residents are less than citizens in late modern capitalist Canada. Yet, the people who are likely most at risk are the ones who are being asked to sacrifice their lives. Collectively, Black people in Canada find themselves among the most disadvantaged in all indicators of what is considered a good life.

The attempt to interrupt the spread of the virus has brought together policing and public health. Since at least the post-emancipation period in the Americas and this period includes Canada public health and policing have been launched against Black communities. Both public health and policing depend on assessing Black people as wayward.

In the post-emancipation Americas, early public health campaigns sought to train Black women on child rearing, cleanliness of homes and food preparation. Indeed, as late as the 1960s, one of the justifications for the destruction of Africville, N.S., was the public health claim that the community was at a health risk as there was no sewage system. Instead of providing necessary services, the community was forcibly removed.

Public health has historically been an extension of policing for Black people that has positioned us as suspicious and nefarious in our actions and movements. In our current state of emergency, this union of policing and public health has led to more Black people being arrested, detained and physically restrained in the name of public health protection.

The current rules around movement put Black people at risk, more vulnerable to intensified policing (including carding and street checks) when in public and potentially exposed to the virus at work.

On CBC radios The Current, Simon Fraser University marketing professor June Francis recapped a conversation she had with a senior federal official in which she raised concerns regarding Black peoples health. Instead of acknowledging this need for data, Francis said the senior federal official told her: Canada is a colour-blind society and [she] shouldnt expect that race-based data is necessary.

On April 9, during a public conversation with the Preston Community COVID-19 Response team and African Nova Scotian communities, Nova Scotias Chief Medical Officer, Robert Strang, said now was not the time to focus on how the social determinants of health and longstanding issues are impacting Black communities during this pandemic. He said: We can focus on these issues later.

On April 10, Ontarios Chief Medical Health officer, David Williams, said as the province fights to contain the coronavirus, disaggregated race-based data is not necessary.

We know differently. The HIV and AIDS responses in Canada show that public health and policing result in criminalization and incarceration for Black people. To ask us to suspend our understanding of these intimate links is to ask us to contend with the possibility of our own demise.

Claims of colour-blind health care and approaches to the COVID-19 pandemic are concerning. The data from elsewhere, including the United States and the United Kingdom, sounds an alarm for Canada.

Emerging American data reveal that Black people are contracting the virus at higher rates and also are dying in higher numbers.

Dr. Chaand Nagpaul, head of the British Medical Association, called on the U.K. government to urgently investigate why Black, Asian and minority ethnic people are more vulnerable to COVID-19.

While some provincial public health officers in Canada claim to be concerned about all citizens and committed to everyones health, they simultaneously declare that now is not the time to address the social determinants of health nor to begin the collection of disaggregated race-based data. In other words, they refuse to address how racial discrimination negatively impacts the health of Black people.

The absence of such plans, however, are indeed evidence of Black peoples partial citizenship and not-yet-quite citizenship.

In fact, our health officials must meet these demands for data. Accounting for how the virus impacts Black communities differently would actually demonstrate care.

Since the pandemic, we have heard of many Black women and their families in Toronto being evicted and made homeless. We have come to know that many are dealing with increased violence in the narrowly confined spaces they now live in, and are unable to access income support. Despite successful efforts to open health care to all, regardless of immigration status, the Toronto Star reported that some people in Toronto seeking emergency treatment had to pay $500 or risk not being treated.

Racism, poverty, incarceration, limited literacy, over-crowded living conditions, lack of social supports and limited access to health services are chronic conditions that must be considered during this pandemic.

Black lives are further in peril in a time of COVID-19. Subject to death on both the public health and policing fronts, we will not be silent. Even as state public officials choose to ignore our lives and livability by insisting that race and class do not matter, the historical and contemporary evidence in this country demonstrates more than otherwise.

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Coronavirus discriminates against Black lives through surveillance, policing and the absence of health data - The Conversation CA

‘Everyone Was Screaming at Them.’ The Story Behind Those Photos of the Counter-Protesting Health Care Workers – TIME

As small groups of demonstrators gathered in cities nationwide to protest the ongoing COVID-19 lockdowns, one set of images in particular have been widely shared online. Taken by Colorado-based photographer Alyson McClaran in Denver on April 19, they show what she believes to be healthcare workers blocking the path of the demonstrators, who want the state and country reopened despite public health officials warnings that doing so would invite more cases and more death.

TIME reached out to McClaran to learn more about the photographs and her experience at the Denver protest. Her answers have been lightly edited for length and clarity.

TIME: How did your day start out, were you on assignment?

McClaran: Because of the coronavirus, I hadnt picked up my camera in over a month, which is unheard of for me. Im typically shooting five to six days a week. Yesterday I decided to go out and document the protest. I wasnt on assignment for anyone.

What precautions did you take?

I started out at the state Capitol in downtown Denver. It was very crowded. I had my mask on and did my best to social distance from people, but didnt feel safe, so I decided to leave and walk around the neighborhood. I saw two nurses in the middle of the street. I took off running towards them and started firing away my camera, because they were blocking the road at a green light and everyone was screaming and honking at them, and those are the images that you see.

I was at the right place at the right time. One thing I remember is the lady in the truck was yelling at the health worker to go back to China.

A health care worker blocks the street to counter-protest the hundreds of people who gathered at the State Capitol to demand the stay-at-home order be lifted in Denver, Colorado, on April 19, 2020.

Alyson McClaranReuters

How do you weigh the risk of covering a gathering in a time like this?

My gut was telling me this is history, and I wanted to document what is happening in my city right now and show what was going on. I had tears in my eyes half the day because I was in shock at how many people were out, and how much anger there was, so I had to protect myself by leaving. I didnt feel safe health-wise, and thats when I stumbled upon the nurses.

Are we sure the people in your photographs are health care workers, or could they have been counter-protesters dressed as healthcare workers?

I dont have any information on that unfortunately, but I never got the feeling that they werent. I believe they were health care workers.

A man yells at a health care worker counter-protesting the hundreds of people who gathered at the State Capitol to demand the stay-at-home order be lifted in Denver, Colorado, on April 19, 2020.

Alyson McClaranReuters

Whats it like for your work to spread far and wide online, often without credit? What do you want people to know before sharing your work online without credit?

I appreciate how many people have given me photo credit. For those who have not, what happened yesterday took years of experience and I have worked my way to this moment, I was able to get everything I needed quickly, it wasnt just me grabbing a camera and shooting. It would be nice as a photographer and artist that people acknowledge that.

How was this different from other protests youve covered?

I understand people are stressed, and they want to get back to work, but it just showed how much anger there was. Unlike other protests Id covered, like gun violence, Black Lives Matter, this is a global issue. Everywhere is experiencing this right now at the same time, thats why it felt different.

A health care worker stands in the street in counter-protest to hundreds of people who gathered at the State Capitol to demand the stay-at-home order be lifted in Denver, Colorado, on April 19, 2020.

Alyson McClaranReuters

Is there anything youd like to add?

I hope that everyone can come together. I understand that people are stressed and scared and sad and angry. But I just hope we can all come together and get through this so we can get back to normal.

Alyson McClaran is a freelance photojournalist based in Denver, CO.

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Write to Maa Booker at maia.booker@time.com.

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'Everyone Was Screaming at Them.' The Story Behind Those Photos of the Counter-Protesting Health Care Workers - TIME

Red, Black, White: The Communist Party in Alabama – People’s World

The "Scottsboro Boys" with then-General Secretary of the Communist Party USA Earl Browder (holding hat) and other unnamed visitors. | People's World Archives

There have been a number of good books recently written about the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) and about individual Communists from a number of different and interesting angles. However, not since Robin Kelleys classic Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression, written 30 years ago, has the work of Alabamas Communists been so vividly renderedtheir lives, struggles, trials, and tribulations brought to life.

Mary Stantons Red, Black, White: The Alabama Communist Party, 1930-1950 is a concise, readable overview, a welcome contribution to the history of the CPUSA in District 17 (Alabama) and to the struggles it led against racism.

Stanton is correct when she writes: The seeds of Black liberation, of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, Black Power, the Black Panthers, and Black Lives Matter can all be traced directly to the legacy of the Southern Negro Youth Congressthe ILD [International Labor Defense]the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, the National Negro Congress, and the Civil Rights Congress, all organizations led by Communists.

While many Alabama whites tended to either detest the Reds or to dismiss them as integration-preaching atheists, African Americans were more likely to accept them, she adds. Additionally, Alabamas Black population, even those who never officially joined the party admired the Reds for their courage and their commitment to social justice.

The CPUSAs record fighting for African American equality and Black liberation is largely unquestioned today, at least among honest historians. However, even if that fact is largely acknowledged, many peoplesincere activists, union members, students, and othersarent fully aware of the various struggles Communists often initiated and led, especially in the South, an area of the country still harboring many of the most racist, most reactionary, most anti-democratic elements in our society.

A central component of the CPUSAs work in Alabama was the fight against lynching, both legal and vigilante lynching. Of course, the legal defense of and mass protests for the freedom of the Scottsboro Nine is but one prominent example; the defendants were nine Black youths falsely accused of raping two white women. It is now indisputable that without the aid of the CPUSAs legal defense arm, the International Labor Defense led by the Black Communist William L. Patterson, the Scottsboro Nine would have been killed, legally lynched by an all-white jury.

Less well known, however, are the Angelo Herndon case, the Camp Hill Massacre, the Shades Mountain Rape and Murder, the lynching, beating, flogging and jailing of Sharecroppers Union leaders, among numerous other examples. Also less well known is the role of Communists in publicizing and organizing legal defense, protection, and relief for both Black and white Alabama workers. Stanton weaves all of these disparate events and movements together into one cohesive and readily digestible narrative.

Stanton also does a good job describing the racist backlash against African Americans and Communists as they fought for equality. She highlights the collusion between local police, sheriffs, prosecutors, judges, and plantation owners, many of whom also happened to be members of the Ku Klux Klan, the Citizens Protective League, and other white supremacist groups.

Stanton also briefly discusses the shifts in CPUSA policy as Communists transitioned from the establishment of Red Unions, to Popular Front organizing, to the MolotovRibbentrop Pact, to World War II, and how these shifts impacted comrades in District 17. The CPUSAs role in establishing and leading the Southern Conference for Human Welfarewhich included Communists like Joe Gelders, Rob Hall and Hosea Hudson, among othersis a prime example of the Partys ability to utilize diverse tactics, build alliances and put aside overly revolutionary rhetoric with the goal of winning immediate demands as part of broad coalitions.

I have two qualms with an otherwise excellent book. Throughout the narrative Stanton could have done more to let the participants speak for themselves by utilizing more direct quotations; and a quick glance at the source notes reveals that Stanton cited little documentation, though archival collections, oral histories, and other bibliographic sources are listed elsewhere. For those interested in diving a little deeper into this history, Stanton would have done well to provide more information in the notes section.

Despite these minor quibbles, Stanton has done a masterful job of presenting a highly important and largely forgotten history. Readers eager for a compact and well-written overview of the history of the subject should pick up Red, Black, White: The Alabama Communist Party, 1930-1950.

Red, Black, White: The Alabama Communist Party, 1930-1950By Mary StantonUniversity of Georgia Press, 2019, 240 pagesISBN: 9-780-8203-5617-4List Price: $29.95

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Red, Black, White: The Communist Party in Alabama - People's World

Mega-deals and a few embarrassing moments: Highlights of Randall Stephensons 13 years as AT&Ts chief – The Dallas Morning News

Randall Stephensons 13-year run at the helm of Dallas-based AT&T is nearly twice as long as the typical large company CEO.

He guided the company through an acquisition-filled period of growth and endured some memorable blunders. Here are highlights of his tenure:

Stephenson succeeds Edward Whitacre as CEO. He tells The Wall Street Journal: TV will be the next multibillion-dollar business for our company."

AT&T announces move of its corporate headquarters from San Antonio to downtown Dallas. Stephenson tells The Dallas Morning News: Being headquartered in Dallas will benefit our long-term growth prospects and human resources needs, and our ability to operate more efficiently, better serve customers and expand the business in the future.

With exclusive rights to Apples first iPhone, AT&Ts wireless growth accelerates. The most important step we took in 2008 was our iPhone 3G launch, Stephenson says. Forty percent of its 4.3 million iPhone customers are new to the company.

AT&T launches It Can Wait, an awareness campaign to discourage texting while driving.

A customers email to Stephenson complaining about new data plans goes viral when an AT&T customer service representative replies: I need to warn you that if you continue to send e-mails to Randall Stephenson, a cease-and-desist letter may be sent to you. The News said the legal threat "exploded across the Internet like a rotten egg.

AT&T loses exclusive rights to iPhone as rival Verizon prepares to sell the popular smartphone on its network. This is going to create some volatility in the first part of the year, Stephenson says.

AT&T makes $39 billion bid to buy T-Mobile USA from its German parent company. Were doing it to address a transition that we as an industry have been dealing with, this explosive growth in mobile broadband, Stephenson says.

AT&T gives up its bid for T-Mobile. The Obama administration had sued to block the deal on antitrust grounds. AT&T pays a $4 billion breakup fee to T-Mobile and gives up some of its valuable spectrum.

AT&Ts board of directors cuts Stephensons pay by $2 million because of failed T-Mobile bid.

AT&T secures naming rights to the Dallas Cowboys new stadium in Arlington in a deal valued at $17 million to $19 million a year for the football team.

Stephenson becomes chairman of the Business Roundtable, an association of major company CEOs.

AT&T completes $1.2 billion acquisition of prepaid provider Leap Wireless.

AT&T announces $67 billion deal to buy satellite TV provider DirecTV. The deal closes 14 months later.

Two months after completing a deal for Nextel Mexico, AT&T says it will invest $3 billion to build out its high-speed mobile network in Mexico.

Stephenson becomes national president of Irving-based Boy Scouts of America.

Stephenson gives a forceful defense of the Black Lives Matter movement during a speech to company employees. Our communities are being destroyed by racial tension, he says.

AT&T announces $108.7 billion deal to buy Time Warner. The deal takes nearly two years to complete after surviving a Trump administration challenge on antitrust grounds.

AT&T wins $46.5 billion contract from the U.S. Commerce Department to build out a first-responder emergency network known as FirstNet.

Stephenson emails company employees regarding AT&Ts $1 million payment to a shell company used by President Donald Trumps personal attorney Michael Cohen to pay hush money to porn star Stormy Daniels. His email calls it a big mistake and says AT&Ts top lobbyist will leave the company.

With Time Warners assets now in its portfolio, AT&T unveils its plans for HBO Max, a new streaming service thatll compete in the increasingly fragmented TV market. HBO Max is set to debut May 27.

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Mega-deals and a few embarrassing moments: Highlights of Randall Stephensons 13 years as AT&Ts chief - The Dallas Morning News