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Chelsea midfielder Jorginho says Italy 's failure to qualify for the World Cup in Qatar will "haunt him for the rest of his life".

The European champions were sensationally knocked out of the tournament by North Macedonia in a qualifying play-off semi-final last Thursday. Aleksandar Trajkovski's superb late strike in Palermo stunned the Italians, who have failed to qualify for two consecutive World Cup finals. Italy haven't won a World Cup knockout game since winning the competition in 2006.

Their only victory at the finals since that triumph was their 2-1 win against England in 2014. Roy Hodgson 's team that day included Joe Hart, Phil Jagielka and Leighton Baines. Jorginho, the reigning European Player of the Year, could be remembered as one of the greatest players never to feature in a World Cup. He made his Italy debut in 2016 - picking up 43 caps to date - and will be 34 when the next tournament starts in 2026.

"It still hurts when I think about it, because I do still think about it and it will haunt me for the rest of my life," Jorginho told Rai Sport. "Stepping up there twice and not being able to help your team and your country is something that I will carry with me forever, and it weighs on me. People say we need to lift our heads and carry on, but it's tough."

The 30-year-old went on to say: "It is difficult to explain what happened. It hurts so much. I'll be honest, I am still incredulous. I don't think we lacked creativity, as we always dominated matches and created so many chances. Unfortunately, we were unable to finish them off. We played good football, we won the European Championship last summer, but unfortunately in the last few games we made small errors and were unable to recover from them. They made the difference."

Here, Mirror Football takes a look at the careers of eight other iconic footballers never to star at the World Cup - including four Manchester United icons.

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To kick us off, Giggs may have more Premier League winners' medals than anyone else to have stepped foot on English soil - as well as four FA Cups, three League Cups and two European Cups to his name - but the Welshman's international career paled in comparison. Making a very commendable 64 appearances for his country across 16 years, even the ex-United winger's longevity in the game couldn't see him reach a World Cup.

To date, Wales have only qualified for the tournament once in their history, the 1958 edition in Sweden, in which they were knocked out by eventual winners Brazil at the quarter-final stage.

Same country, same outcome. Rush's club career made him one of British football's best, starring for Liverpool as the Reds triumphed to five league titles and two European cups in the 1980s. On the international stage, his 16-year stint saw him appear 73 times and bag 28 strikes throughout a frustrating period for his nation.

When boasting potentially their best team since 1958, qualification for Italia '90 became an impossible task when they were drawn into a qualifying group alongside Finland, European champions the Netherlands and world champions elect Germany. Even with Rush alongside Neville Southall and Mark Hughes, a 0-0 draw at home to the latter was as good as it got, finishing bottom.

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This is where it gets interesting. A hero for Newcastle United and Tottenham Hotspur among others, Ginola's paltry 17 caps for France seems peculiar - and for good reason. Ahead of the 1994 World Cup in the United States, Les Blues faced Bulgaria needing only a draw to secure their place.

The winger, then plying his trade for Paris Saint-Germain, mistakenly over-hit a cross towards Eric Cantona with the scores at 1-1 to the agony of French fans. What happened next? You guessed it: Bulgaria went up the other end and scored themselves. Manager Gerard Houllier laid the blame at Ginola for the defeat which led to the maestro leave his home country behind and come to England.

"I became Public Enemy number one," explained Ginola in his autobiography. "The man responsible for my execution was Gerard Houllier. It was something I can never forgive him for, as it was a cruel attempt to wreck my life and I have been paying the price ever since."

Speaking of that infamous match in Paris, 'Eric the King' never graced the world's greatest tournament despite his immeasurable impact on modern football. Cantona evidently didn't make USA '94 - even after scoring the opener against Bulgaria - and due to retirement, not only missed out on France hosting in 1998 but also being part of Aime Jacquet's side - Houllier's former assistant - who won the tournament.

And the Man United icon won't even be enjoying this year's World Cup from home, hitting out at FIFA's decision to award them with hosting privileges. "Personally, I will not watch it," Cantona told the Daily Mail. "It's only about money and the way they treated the people who built the stadiums, it's horrible. And thousands of people died. And yet we will celebrate this World Cup."

Arguably Africa's greatest ever player, Weah's lack of a World Cup appearance is understandable - Liberia are a minnow of the international game. Despite that, the 1995 Ballon d'Or winners' nation almost made it twice; first dreaming of Italy in 1990 as they advanced to the second group stage but stumbled when it mattered.

12 years later and they came even closer, although a 2-1 defeat at home to Ghana allowed Nigeria to take control of their group going into the final matchday. Weah attempted to inspire his compatriots, keeping their hopes alive by scoring the only goal as the Lone Stars beat Sierra Leone, but Nigeria scraped through by a point. Not to worry, though, he's now Liberia's president.

A tragic tale of what could've been on and off the pitch, Man Utd prodigy Edwards' death at the age of 21 in the Munich Air Disaster was the primary reason why the world were unable to enjoy his talents on the biggest stage of all. Labelled the best of the famous Busby Babes (just ask Sir Bobby Charlton), the all-action midfielder had already played for United 177 times, winning two league titles, three FA Youth Cups, an FA Cup runners-up medal and 18 England caps when he passed away in 1958.

Unquestionably possessing the natural ability to single-handedly bring England glory over his career, Edwards sadly passed away 15 days after sustaining horrific injuries on the runway in Germany. Sports writer Frank Taylor, who survived the crash in Munich and recovered in the same hospital as Edwards, recounted his harrowing experience in his book, The Day A Team Died.

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"One of Duncans nearest and dearest friends told me: 'Maybe it was better this way. The doctors said, had he lived, he might have had to spend the rest of his life in a wheelchair. Duncan couldn't have stood that. Now I can remember him as he was, the greatest thing that has happened in British football for years.'"

Like Weah, the size of country Best hailed from hampered him. Considered by many to be not only Man Utd but English football's best, the wing wizard was fairly dismissive of his international duties with Northern Ireland, describing the format as "recreational football."

However, Best should've guided his nation to the 1966 iteration, as the Green and White Army only had to beat Albania in their final qualifying game to set up a play-off with Switzerland. But the hosts, coming into the match off the back of losing their other five games and scoring only one goal, had other ideas and managed a draw, despite the "outstanding" brilliance of the United star on the night, allowing the part-time Swiss to progress.

The Northern Irish then went into 1970 qualifiers looking to make amends, with boss Billy Bingham confident that they'd do just that and reach Mexico. Starting with back-to-back victories over Turkey, a clash with the USSR on home soil was where it all went wrong, as Best missed a sitter and the 0-0 draw meant they had work to do in Moscow.

Unfortunately, their star man was injured, leaving the IFA furious that his club had risked him ahead of such a crucial encounter. The Red Devils were told that they "scandalously" broke an agreement to rest him, and unable to galvanise his side in Best's absence, Bingham led his team to a 2-0 loss.

For a man so good at football and who played for three different countries, it's rather baffling how Di Stefano didn't feature at a single World Cup. The Real Madrid icon turned out for his native Argentina, Colombia and Spain, and it was with the latter - having received a Spanish passport three years into his glittering career at the Santiago Bernabeu - that he came closest with.

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Although La Roja were drawn in an easy-looking qualifying group alongside Scotland and Switzerland, a trip to Hampden Park ahead of the 1958 World Cup would prove fatal, as Di Stefano couldn't prevent Spain from being smashed 4-2 in Glasgow. They did make it to the 1962 finals in Chile and the ageing star travelled, but was carrying an injury and didn't play a single minute.

At the centre of one of German football's great soap operas, Schuster's nickname, the Blonde Angel, is all you need to know about how revered the midfielder was. At 20, manager Jupp Derwall thrust him into the international game with West Germany for their second match of Euro 1980 and Schuster ripped rivals the Netherlands apart, helping Klaus Allofs net a hat-trick.

Join the debate! Who is the best player never to play in a World Cup? Comment your pick below.

As the Cologne ace went on to pick a European Championships winners' medal, many tipped Schuster to drive his nation on for years to come - but it didn't work out that way. Toying with a switch to the star-studded New York Cosmos in America, Schuster's transfer saga frustrated Derwall, who vowed never to pick him again if he made the move across the pond.

Reinstated once he joined Barcelona, further fallings out - such as with teammate Hansi Muller - saw him suspended once again by his boss ahead of the 1982 World Cup, and while it was expected Derwall would be recalled for the tournament, a serious knee injury ended his chances. Come 1986 when Franz Beckenbauer was in charge, Schuster was long gone from the international game, with his final cap coming two years earlier.

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Jorginho joins 9 other big-name football stars to have never played at a World Cup - The Mirror

MAGNOLIA and Meralco will fight it out one final time for a spot in the PBA Season 46 Governors Cup on Friday at the Smart-Araneta Coliseum.

Gametime is at 6 p.m. in the lone game of the night, with the winner going up against Barangay Ginebra in a best-of-seven contest.

Here are a couple of things you need to know heading into the knockout game.

Magnolia forced a do-or-die duel with a 94-73 win on Wednesday. The win ended a two-game skid in which Meralco won over Magnolia, both of which with six-point margin (81-75 in Game Two, 101-95 in Game Three).

The Hotshots outrebounded the Bolts, 57-40, numbers that Bolts head coach Norman Black couldnt stress enough during the postgame interview. With its rebounding edge, Magnolia also had more second chance points, 11-4, while also dominating the points in paint, 46-24.

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Paul Lee finally made his presence felt in Game Four after scrambling to provide an impact for the Hotshots in the three previous matches. Lee had 17 points including back-to-back field goals late in the fourth that allowed Magnolia to grab the win.

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Mike Harris had his usual double-double numbers with 34 points and 18 rebounds. There were also other players who stepped up in Calvin Abueva (11 points, eight rebounds), Jio Jalalon (10 points, seven assists), and even Jackson Corpuz (nine points, five rebounds in 18 minutes). Mark Barroca (five points, six rebounds, six assists) was also steady.

Meralco is facing the prospect of playing without Chris Banchero in Game Five after he was hit in the chest area on Wednesday that forced him to miss the entire second half. Head coach Norman Black said Banchero is a gametime decision, and the warm-ups will determine if their top point guard will be able to play for the knockout game.

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So far, Allein Maliksi has had a relatively quiet playoff series, at least offensively, in contrast to his performance during the elimination round where he scored in double figures in all but just one game. Maliksi has shot 6-of-18 from threes, but has only scored in double figures once during the playoffs. The number of points of Maliksi, especially after Meralco scored the lowest points in the conference in Game Four, could be a key in the knockout game on Friday.

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The term woke has its roots in Black culture but has since been removed from this origin and been co-opted a symbol by those who push back against social justice progress. Staci M. Zavattarowrites that for policymakers and activists to affect change, it is important to understand how the social constructions of woke and Critical Race Theory, more specifically, have changed.

During her Senate confirmation hearings for the US Supreme Court this week, Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson endured a series of questions from lawmakers about race, religion, and policing. In several instances, she was asked about Critical Race Theory or more appropriately CRT. Culture wars questions always seem to play out live during US Supreme Court confirmation hearings, and the latest version has focused on CRT and anti-racism.

Why is this sloganeering happening? One explanation is that the word woke has moved from its rhetorical roots in the Black community to become weaponized today to pass legislation undoing much of the social justice progress benefitting marginalized populations. Words like woke and associated imagery including CRT become catalysts to carry out culture war policies harming and aliening people from full participation in democratic society.

In our research, we chose the word woke because it came to prominence in the American lexicon after police murdered George Floyd in Minnesota in May 2020. The murder at the hands of the state seemed to set off a reckoning, especially among White people, about racism and its deadly effects. Corporations jumped into the movement, turning social media profile pictures into black squares to ideally bring attention to these structural issues. Yet with not much long-term change, such pronouncements often seem like mere marketing ploys.

And that was our point. The word woke and its associated imagery became political calling cards for certain lawmakers to pass legislation curbing voting rights, prohibiting transgender women from competing in womens sports, changing school curriculum so it does not hurt feelings, and banning and burning books. In this way, we can see how the word woke moved from its roots in Black culture to todays symbolic politics needing no real meaning anymore because the symbols and words are so powerful.

To better understand how the word woke has changed, we use a theory called phases of the image. That theory from French philosopher Jean Baudrillard explains how something starts with a clear connection to reality then through time can progress into what is called hyperreality. Any connection to a former reality dissipates, allowing a new, socially constructed reality to emerge. A concrete examination of this theory took place in the popular movie The Matrix. In one scene, Morpheus quotes directly from Baudrillard when he says: Welcome to the desert of the real. The movie plays between reality and simulation, as do places such as Las Vegas and Walt Disney World. Virtual reality tools popular today also blur these lines. The simulations become the reality.

The term woke was brought to prominence by William Melvin Kelley in a 1962 New York Times essay, meaning the word was birthed in Harlem, the epicenter of Black culture in America. Kelley argued that when words in Black culture are co-opted by White people, they lose their real meaning. The term became popular in 2008 as singer Erykah Badu used it in the chorus of her song Master Teacher, and in 2015 Google searches for the word increased after police killings of Black people throughout the US. Today, the term woke is removed from its roots in Black culture to a symbol people use to push back against social justice progress.

With its roots in the Black community, wokeness meaning to be awake to social oppression helped bring about legislation such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Learning about and being aware of structural racism led to passage of the (albeit flawed) legislation attempting to dismantle some of those barriers to entry for Black individuals. As the word woke floated from its foundations, the term led to backlash against symbolic activism acts with no real change but meant to make people feel good, such as the aforementioned social media black photos and painting streets with Black Lives Matter. Symbolic acts are hugely powerful, of course, but in our work, we argue how symbolic acts also need accompanying policy change to have any connection to reality. Otherwise, someone might think painting a street in and of itself is enough to move the needle on social change.

The most visible way the term woke has moved into hyperreality is through its rhetorical use in contemporary society. All one must do is look at news outlets to see how the word is being used to denote opposition to any meaningful social justice efforts, indeed even being used as a reason to pass legislation stripping away social progress or putting back into place systemic barriers meant to preserve White power structures. Indeed, using the word woke is a purposeful, powerful tool of mostly right-leaning lawmakers to invoke images of puritanical nostalgia being dismantled by liberal activists.

This is why we chose to use CRT as an example in our work. Critical race theory is an academic field of inquiry that began from a legal perspective to interrogate structural, systemic barriers to equal access and treatment. CRT and woke as symbols and rhetoric are lumped in together to mean anything someone sees as threats to an idealized image of America. When asked to define either term, lawmakers cannot which is exactly the point. In a hyperreality, the image is more important than reality. A pundit summed it up nicely: We have successfully frozen their brand critical race theory into the public conversation and are steadily driving up negative perceptions We will eventually turn it toxic, as we put all of the various cultural insanities under that brand category.

From a public administration perspective, the implications of our work are clear: understand the power of symbolic politics to affect change. Our research focused on the term woke and its unmooring from roots in the Black community as a mechanism to understand some of the public battles playing out today. Knowing rhetorical roots allows public administrators, stakeholders, and activists to learn the symbolic rules to play a similar game.

Please read our comments policy before commenting.

Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of USAPP American Politics and Policy, nor the London School of Economics.

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Staci M. Zavattaro University of Central FloridaStaci M. Zavattaro, Ph.D., is professor of public administration at the University of Central Florida. Her research focuses on the lived experiences of public managers. Her latest research examines the role of deathcare and death management.

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How woke became weaponized in the culture wars - London School of Economics

AMAC Exclusive By Daniel Roman

For the first time in decades, it is conservatives, not liberals, who are on the offensive in the culture wars. There are a number of things conservatives have done well this time around, including picking their battles, building broad coalitions, and trying to unite rather than divide parents. But a key force in the Rights cultural resurgence is ultimately the Left itself, which has shockingly forfeited the debate. For most of the last year, there has been little to no effort to actually defend the merits of left-wing positions. These days, leftists seem only capable of hurling invective at those attacking them. The American people are not responding well.

It really is not worth dignifying the arguments over whether Lia Thomas should or should not be allowed to compete as a woman by calling it a debate as even those on the Left seem to know better than to deviate too far from absolutist talking points, lest the absurdity of their position becomes evident to all. There is little better evidence that even many liberals dont have their hearts in the fight; they are kept in line by the threat of cancellation, but reveal their private reservations by how they publicly repeat rote lines like no one actually knows what gender really is.

All of this is a consequence of the Left creating an echo chamber where their positions are justified not on the basis that they are well-reasoned or produce good outcomes, but because they are simply asserted by everyone on the Left as the right thing to do. Because they are right, by definition, they should be done, and further debate about drawbacks is not genuine debate but a bad-faith effort to delay the right thing to do. At the root of this twisted logic is an insidious form of identity politics which states that if any marginalized group makes a demand, that demand must be treated as legitimate. This is true even if other members of the group contest it.

For example, even the most extreme demands made by groups such as Black Lives Matter are held to be the legitimate demands of the entire African American community. Those opposing the demands are either racists (if not African American) or not legitimate representatives of the community (if they are African American). The Left has long practiced this with Jews, labeling prominent senior Trump administration officials as Nazis even if they were Jewish. They are now turning this thinking against other groups, such that any woman who is pro-life is no longer considered to be on the side of women. Any gay or lesbian individual who is not supportive of the most extreme demands for sex and gender education in schools is self-hating. A transgender individual who does not believe it is fair for biological men to take part in womens sports, such as Caitlyn Jenner, or one who has serious doubts about childhood transition, is now labeled a transphobe.

Solidarity with any identity group is defined as solidarity with the most extreme left-wing elements of that group.

Politically, this line of thinking has led the Left into a dead-end of policies supported only by the most extremist elements of the communities in question. Hence why Democrats associated the defense of Critical Race Theory with supporting African Americans, when the vast majority of African American parents want their schools teaching math and science, not radical social theories, or why Democrats believe that placating open-border advocates is the key to winning over Hispanic voters.

Perhaps even worse than causing Democrats to push unpopular policies, this line of thinking has prevented them from realizing why they even need to persuade anyone at allwhich is having all sorts of insidious effects on American society.

Conservatives are now winning because they have spotted this vulnerability and seized it. The battles over CRT and reopening schools were a practice-run. Both provided compelling issues for conservatives and had broad appeal to the American public. Significantly, however, the opposition never figured out what their position was. On CRT, was it bad, but not being taught? Was it good, not being taught, but should be taught? Did it exist at all? Should it? Many on the Left tried to hurl these questions back at conservatives, suggesting they lacked a clear definition of CRT, but conservatives could at the very least point to things that were being taught that they wished to stop. The Left, unable to decide whether CRT existed or not, never mounted a coherent defense.

This dynamic extended to the Supreme Courts oral arguments over Mississippis 15-week abortion ban. Lawyers for the plaintiffs repeatedly insisted the law violated the precedents set by Roe v. Wade and Casey v. Planned Parenthood but refused to be drawn into discussions about whether those cases were correctly decided to begin with. This purely procedural approach extended outside the court system, where the Left has argued that Roe is under threat, without explaining why a 15-week ban would be harmful or wrong.

With the current debates over Floridas so-called Dont Say Gay bill and transgender issues, the Left has fallen into similar logical black holes. In the former case, Democrats have been maneuvered either to point out problems that might arise in hypothetical situations (which would often require active malice from teachers) or attempting to mobilize high school students and activists against a bill which only applied to students from pre-school up through third grade. There may well have been logistical and legal issues with the drafting, but if there was a case against the bill, it was not one the Left made. Instead, they focused on arguing that this cannot be done, not that it should not. Polls suggest that they lost.

The most extreme example of the Lefts failure to make any real arguments is the fight over the inclusion of transgender individuals in competitive sports. It is an issue that the Left themselves would say effects only the privileged. The demographic of individuals, especially younger biological males, who can attend elite institutions, receive the financial and familial support required to transition at a young age, and would seek to compete against women is a heavily wealthy group. Yet somehow, the Left has decided that the civil rights issue of our time is the right of a specific Ivy League student to win college athletic competitions as their preferred gender. There is no effort to explain why this is more important than any of the other concerns raised (such as biological women having to compete against an individual with a clear biological advantage). There is simply the assertion that it is necessary, and that anyone who disagrees is a bigot.

Cancel Culture worked best for the Left when it was pushed with a mixture of persuasion and force. For the last two years, the mask of persuasion and argument has dropped. The Left has begun treating everyone like they treated their own adherents for the last decade. The result is that they have helped defeat themselves in effect accomplishing what social conservatives have struggled to achieve for half a century: making ordinary Americans hate them.

Daniel Roman is the pen name of a frequent commentator and lecturer on foreign policy and political affairs, both nationally and internationally. He holds a Ph.D. in International Relations from the London School of Economics.

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The Left is Their Own Worst Enemy in the Culture Wars - AMAC

No governor has drawn more national attention than RonDeSantisof Florida. And sinceDeSantisis a Republican and in the mold of Donald Trump, that coverage has been decidedly negative.

The topic could be his handling of COVID-19. Or his decision to open businesses and beaches earlier than most other governors. Or vaccine distribution. Or his Parental Rights in Education bill (dubbed the Dont Say Gay bill by Democrats and echoed by many in the press). Or banning most abortions after 15 weeks. Or approving an immigration measure that doesnt allow state entities to do business with businesses and companies that transport migrant children who crossed the border illegally into Florida. Or signing a proclamation declaring Emma Weyant the true winner of a U.S. national college swimming title after she lost to transgender athlete Lia Thomas.

You can agree or disagree withDeSantisand the Florida legislature on any of these moves, measures and proclamations. What makes the governor popular among his supporters is that he doesnt appear to give a damn about what the Florida press or the national political media think about how hes leading his state. He has a plan and principles that appear to be unwavering.

Consider a recent exchange the governor had with WFLAs Evan Donovan after the reporter referenced what critics call the Dont Say Gay bill.

Does it say that in the bill?DeSantisshot back, refusing to allow his critics to frame the bill as homophobic.Does it say that in the bill? Im asking whats in the bill because you are pushing false narratives. It doesnt matter what critics say.

It says classroom instruction on sexual identity and gender orientation, Donovan replied while leaving out a very key detail.

For who? DeSantisretorted. For grades pre-K through three, no five-year-olds, six-year-olds, seven-year-olds. And the idea that you wouldnt be honest about that and tell people what it actually says, its why people dont trust people like you because you peddle false narratives. And so we just disabused you of those narratives.

And thats true: The bill applies to kids in kindergarten through second grade being taught sexual instruction. Sounds like something that a parent of a kindergartener or first- or second-grader would support.

Understand, if you are out protesting this bill, you are by definition putting yourself in favor of injecting sexual instruction to 5-, 6- and 7-year-old kids,DeSantissaid during another recent press conference. I think most people think thats wrong. I think parents especially think thats wrong.

The national press is largely against the bill, and headline after headline refers to it as the Dont Say Gay bill, in an apparent effort to push a false narrative.

Take this framing by NBC News: Its headline read, Florida Gov. RonDeSantissignals support for Dont Say Gay bill, followed by a subhead The bill, which would bar the discussion of sexual orientation or gender identity in primary schools, passed the Florida Senate Education Committee on Tuesday.

The headline itself was misleading, because thats not what the bill is called; its what critics call it. And the story itself, which wasnt an opinion piece, never once mentionedDeSantissmainpoint that the bill bars sexual instruction to 5-, 6- and 7-year-old kids.

Why omit that crucial element of the legislation?Unless, of course, a narrative is being peddled.

Despite all the negative press, Florida voters support the bill as it pertains to banning theteaching of sexual orientation and gender identity from kindergarten through third grade by a solid margin. Per recent Quinnipiac polling, 51 percent of voters there support it while just 35 percent oppose and 15 percent have no opinion.

Overall,DeSantis is leading his Democratic challengers in this years governors race.

If Charlie Crist captures the Democratic nomination in Florida, DeSantiswould beat him 55 percent to 34 percent if the election were held today,according to a pollreleased by the Public Opinion Research Lab at University of North Florida. If matched up against Nikki Fried,Desantishas a 55 percent to 32 percent lead.Other pollsalso showDeSantiscomfortably ahead.

Overall,DeSantis, an Iraq War veteran and Harvard Law graduate, sits at 54 percent while President Biden is at 39 approval in Florida.

Hell almost certainly win in November to capture a second term as governor, which could serve as a springboard to a 2024 presidential run.

When 2024 rolls around, Donald Trump will be 78 years old; DeSantiswill be 45.

A recent CPAC straw poll showed Trump winning the nomination easily, with 61 percent of the vote.DeSantiswas second with 28 percent,up 7 points from last year. No other candidate got more than 2 percent.

But if Trump doesnt run,DeSantisgets 61 percent of the vote. His next-nearest potential competitors, Donald Trump Jr. and Mike Pompeo, each get 6 percent.

RonDeSantisis a culture warrior, just as Trump was before him.His positions may be unpopular with Democrats and the press but if Florida is an indication of sentiment in other swing states, such as Georgia, Arizona, Nevada, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Ohio, this will serve him very well if he becomes 2024 GOP nominee.

Joe Concha is a media and politics columnist.

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Ron DeSantis is winning the culture wars - The Hill