Archive for November, 2020

Maybe the Election Results Were Kinda Good for Libertarians? – Reason

Which weekend op-ed headline team are you on? "Libertarians Spoil the Election: Jo Jorgensen exceeds Biden's margin in Pennsylvania, Nevada, Arizona and Georgia," by Walter Block? Or "One Group Is Unreservedly Happy About the Election Results: Libertarians are pleased to have likely dodged the bullet of one-party government control," by Liz Mair? (As you know, there can only be two choices in American politics)

The Reason Roundtable podcast, featuring as it does four small-l libertarians (Nick Gillespie, Peter Suderman, Matt Welch, and Katherine Mangu-Ward), has a range of views on the subject. On today's episode we discuss the promise and pitfalls of divided government, the worrying and soon-to-be-goosed trend toward pen-and-phone governance, the glass-half-full vs. glass-should-be-thrown-against-the wall interpretation of the Libertarian Party's Tuesday, and also the marvelous late-breaking news that a COVID-19 vaccine appears to be incoming.

Audio production by Ian Keyser and Regan Taylor.

Music: "CGI Snake" by Chris Zabriskie.

Relevant links from the show:

"Pfizer/BioNTech COVID-19 Vaccine Is 90% Effective," by Ronald Bailey

"Joe Biden's Presidency Is Coming. It Will Be Bad In Predictable Ways," by Elizabeth Nolan Brown

"According to Trump, Nearly Everyone Is Conspiring To Deny Him His Rightful Victory," by Jacob Sullum

"Joe Biden Declared Winner of Presidential Race," by Billy Binion

"Feeling Good About the Future After an Ugly Election," by Nick Gillespie

"Georgia Will Determine the Nation's Political Fate," by Billy Binion

"Joe Biden's Endless River of Debt and Regulation," by Nick Gillespie

"The 2020 Election Results Look Like a Massive Rebuke of Socialism," by Robby Soave

"Twitter's Flagging of Trump's Post-Election Tweets Is Haphazard, Irrational, and Ineffectual," by Jacob Sullum

"Democrats' Crumbling Hopes of a Blue Wave Make Divided Government More Likely," by Billy Binion

"Brian Riedl: Donald Trump, Joe Biden, and $6 Trillion Budgets," by Nick Gillespie

"America's Disastrous Drug War Is Finally Unravelling," by Regan Taylor

"Yesterday's Clean Sweep for Drug Policy Reform Suggests That Prohibition May Collapse Sooner Than Expected," by Jacob Sullum

"On Election Night, the Real Winner Was Drugs," by Elizabeth Nolan Brown

"What's Next for the Libertarian Party After Jo Jorgensen Got 1%?" by Zach Weissmueller

"Where Do Libertarians Go From Here?" by Steven Greenhut

"Meet Marshall Burt, Who's About To Become the Libertarian Party's Only Sitting State Legislator," by Brian Doherty

"Think Jo Jorgensen Is a Spoiler? Run These Numbers First," by Matt Welch

"You Are Not Entitled to Libertarian Votes," by Elizabeth Nolan Brown

"Jo Jorgensen Heading Toward Second-Best Result in Libertarian Party History," by Matt Welch

"Maybe Jo Jorgensen Finishing With 1% Would Actually Be Pretty Good?" by Matt Welch

"Who Should Libertarians Vote For in 2020? A Soho Forum Debate," by John Osterhoudt

"What Is the Ideal Strategy for the Libertarian Party? A Soho Forum Debate," by John Osterhoudt

"Video: Nick Gillespie and Walter Block Debate Whether Libertarians Should Vote for Trump," by Nick Gillespie

Go here to see the original:
Maybe the Election Results Were Kinda Good for Libertarians? - Reason

Howey: Takeaways from the election – South Bend Tribune

INDIANAPOLIS If you voted in last weeks election, you were part of the 66.4% of Americans who turned out, the most since 1900. But with President-elect Joe Biden currently at a record 77.55 million votes and President Trumps 72.34 million votes giving the former a 5.2 million lead at this writing (and 279 to 217 in the Electoral College), America remains a sharply divided nation.

Gov. Eric Holcomb and Trump won landslide victories in Indiana. But Holcomb appears to have missed Gov. Evan Bayhs 25.1% plurality record set back in 1992, winning 56.6%-32% over Democrat Woody Myers, with Libertarian Donald Rainwater picking up 11.4%. Holcombs 1,702,902, with 99% of the vote reporting, did set a new record while winning 89 of Indianas 92 counties.

Trump defeated Biden in Indiana, 57% to 40.9% in winning 88 counties, compared to his 56.5% to 37.5% win over Hillary Clinton in 2016 (Libertarian Gary Johnson picked up 4.9%). Trumps 1.727 million votes eclipsed the 1.557 million votes four years ago, meaning that he was able to find more of his base.

If there were a silver lining for the moribund Indiana Democrats, its that Biden carried Carmel (51%) and Fishers (48.9%), while Trump carried Hamilton County with 52.2%, compared to 56% in 2016. This continues a long trend of Hamilton County turning purple after Mitt Romney carried the county with 66.2% in 2012, John McCain won it with 60.6% in 2008 in a year when Barack Obama actively sought Indianas 11 Electoral College votes, and President George W. Bush won it in 2000 and 2004 with 74%.

Going into this election, Democrats were counting on the suburban female vote to turn the tide in the 5th Congressional District and a handful of Indiana House races. But in other suburban counties, Trump easily won with 57.9% in Boone County, 65.8% in Johnson, 67.6% in Hancock, 58% in Clark, 56% in Floyd and 52% in Porter. His warnings of socialism and against defunding the police were persuasive.

Nationally, Trump confounded the purple suburban vote that had been expected to propel Democrat Christina Hale in the 5th CD and set up Democratic House gains nationally. Republicans actually picked up seats. Exit polling by Edison Research revealed that Trump lost women by 13% in 2016, and by 15% this year. Trump lost white, college-education women by 9% this year, compared to 7% in 2016. Trump actually lost more ground with college-educated men, winning that demographic by 3% this year, compared to his 14% edge in 2016.

Trump was expected to be punished for his handling of the pandemic, but an Associated Press analysis revealed that in 376 counties with the highest number of new cases per capita, the overwhelming majority 93% of those counties went for Trump. Personal freedom trumped personal responsibility for the greater public good in many areas. In pandemic hard-hit Cass County, Trump polled 69.5%; he won Fountain County with 77.1%; Warren County with 76%; Elkhart with 63.3%; Noble with 73.9%; and Wayne County with 65.5%. All of these counties had seen a spike in COVID cases heading into the election.

While the pandemic didnt hurt Trump with his GOP base, it cost him the election with independents. According to Mehlman Castagnetti Group, exit polling showed 55% disapproved of Trumps handling of the pandemic (47% strongly) while 83% said the federal governments response was an important factor, with 39% saying it was the single most important factor.

Trump and Biden were able to emphatically carry the bases on their parties. The difference came with independent voters, which Trump carried by 4% over Hillary Clinton in 2016, but lost by 13% to Biden last week. That 17% swing is why Biden is poised to be the 46th president.

In poll after poll throughout 2020, Americans trusted Trump over Biden in handling the economy. In September, a Gallup Poll found that despite the pandemic, shutdown and economic crisis, 56% of Americans said they were better off than they were four years ago, which has become the standard wallet axiom coined by Ronald Reagan in 1980.

But Trump made two costly mistakes. He consistently stepped on his own messaging on the economy while failing to control the pandemic by urging face masking; and he demonized absentee balloting during an unprecedented pandemic. U.S. Rep. Jim Banks told me, His rhetoric about mail-in ballots was extremely damaging. Think about that. If he had encouraged his supporters to mail in their ballots, he would have won this race in a landslide.

While the pandemic didnt cost Trump support among his base, Holcomb was deprived of a record landslide (by plurality, not total vote) over conservative critics of his mask mandate.

In Fulton County, Holcomb defeated second-place finisher Rainwater 59.5%-22.9%; in Cass County he won with 58%, with Rainwater polling 19.4%; in Owen County, Holcomb defeated Rainwater 59.5% to 21.7%; Martin County, Holcomb 63.1% to 23% for Rainwater; Rush County, Holcomb 62.8% to 21.8% for Rainwater; Montgomery County, Holcomb 61.6% to 22.4% for Rainwater; Kosciusko County, Holcomb 64.9% to 19.2% for Rainwater; Fountain County, 65.3% for Holcomb and 20.3% for Rainwater.

The Holcomb campaign will argue that Rainwaters support including a dozen or so second-place finishes for the Libertarian cut into Myers totals. But with Myers running the worst gubernatorial campaign in modern Hoosier history, without the pandemic and mask mandate, Holcomb would have easily broken Evan Bayhs plurality record.

The columnist is publisher of Howey Politics Indiana at http://www.howeypolitics.com. Find Howey on Facebook and Twitter @hwypol.

Excerpt from:
Howey: Takeaways from the election - South Bend Tribune

US election horror: Meet the woman who may be unwittingly responsible for Trump’s defeat – Daily Express

And the psychology lecturer - who has now received more than 1.7 million votes nationwide - has admitted her surprise that the US President has not yet lashed out at her on Twitter. More than a week after the US went to the polls, Mr Trump is refusing to concede defeat, despite trailing trailing Democrat Joe Biden by more than five million in the popular vote. Mr Trump has made multiple allegations of voter fraud, without citing any evidence to back up his claims - but with the vast majority of votes counted, an examination of tallies in the Keystone State, along with Wisconsin, Arizona and Georgia, shows in all three cases, Ms Jorgensen's total exceeds Mr Biden's current lead.

I am kind of surprised he has not done that so far but I can tell you I have gotten some angry and emails and an angry voicemail from Trump supporters

Jo Jorgensen

Victory in all four would have given Mr Trump 57 extra electoral college votes - putting him back in the White House.

Ms Jorgensen told Express.co.uk: "With Pennsylvania I did see the margins, but most of the votes would have had to go to Trump and that's probably not likely although it's possible."

With reference to the New York billionaire's tendency to take potshots at opponents on social media, she added: "I am kind of surprised he has not done that so far but I can tell you I have gotten some angry and emails and an angry voicemail from Trump supporters.

"And I was also getting angry emails from Biden supporters before the election saying was giving the election from Trump.

"'Thanks to me the country is ruined,' etc. I got called horrible names, the only reason I was running was because I had a big ego, that sort of thing.

"Whereas if anybody watched me during the campaign, they would say the opposite.

"When I was interviewed and asked when I became interested in politics, my answer was I am still not interested in politics.

"I think the average person knows how to spend the money better than any bureaucrat or special interest in Washington.

"If I had an ego, I would be working as a Democrat or a Republican getting all this special interest money to get my name out there."

Ms Jorgensen stressed there was no guarantee people who voted for her would have otherwise opted for either Mr Trump or Mr Biden.

JUST IN:Coronavirus warning - Cases will SOAR after lockdown unless Boris acts

She explained: "After the first Presidential debate my website received so much traffic that it ground to a halt.

"People were looking around saying 'Oh my gosh, is there any alternative out there?'"

With regard to Mr Trump's decision to launch multiple legal cases in an apparent attempt to prove his case, Ms Jorgensen said there did not seem to be very much evidence to be back it up.

She added: "I don't mind Trump going through every legal process he has.

"To me it looks like Biden is actually going to be the winner. However, I don't begrudge Trump for taking the legal option.

DON'T MISSMerkel 'threatened to boycott summit if deal not reached first'[REPORT]Chaos erupts in Germany as hundreds STORM Reichstag building[INSIGHT]Germany threatens to plunge EU into crisis by rejecting Mercosur pact[ANALYSIS]

"He probably won't get much joy out of that; however if there are people who have proof of irregularities then they should be checked out.

"I don't think it is going to go anywhere but there it is.

"I think it is just typical human nature and he is being told all these stories about irregularities happening."

There have been concerns voiced in the US over Mr Trump's refusal to admit defeat, with some suggesting he is trying to subvert the will of the people.

However, Mr Jorgensen dismissed concerns about any threat to American democracy.

She said: "I don't think there is going to be any problem in changing governments.

"I have heard anecdotal evidence but anecdotal evidence usually does not stand up.

"I think it is just typical human nature and he is being told all these stories about irregularities happening."

Mr Trump's reaction was largely unsurprising, Ms Jorgensen said.

She added: "I am not as against Trump as many people because as a Libertarian I know what it is like to not have the media give me a fair shake.

"I did see the media many times twist what he says so I do have some sympathy for that.

"However, it is hard for me to have a lot of sympathy since he was okay with not including me in the debates.

"He complained about not getting fair media coverage - well at least he GOT media coverage.

"What is frustrating is that a lot of people say well why don't you change the system so it is not two parties.

"But the thing is the system is not set up to be a two-party system - the system is set up so we can be in there."

The decision not to allow her to participate in the Presidential debates was nothing to do with Government, but rather to do with the Democrats and the Republicans acting as an "old boy's club", she said.

She added: "Had I been on the debate stage I could have put my ideas forth but of course they did not want me to do that."

Moreover, Ms Jorgensen emphasised Mr Trump's ideas did not align especially closely to her own.

She said: "Donald Trump is not a friend of Liberty. He has increased the deficit at a faster rate than Obama and that was even before the pandemic.

"As long as government is spending money, that is just taking freedom away from each individual about making their own decisions about how to spend their own money - what kind of school they want to send their kids to, or what kind of retirement they want to have.

"The more money the Government has, the more they are making decisions for us.

"He also said he would start bringing the troops home and he has not done that.

"These aren't peacekeeping missions - they just make us look like a bully."

As for President-Elect Biden, she added: "Over the next four years I can see us continuing to go downhill."

The budget deficit would continue to increase and taxes would continue to rise, she predicted, while there was a reasonable chance of the US becoming involved in more overseas conflicts.

She added: "Now the Democrats are every bit as war-hawkish as the Republicans."

The Libertarian Party is firmly opposed to mandatory wearing of masks to slow the spread of COVID-19, despite the fact that the number of cases in the US rose by 142,846 yesterday.

She said: "Masks may or may not become more popular but this is supposed to be a free country and we should be able to make our own decisions.

"People have this underlying hidden assumption that they don't say, that basically if the government does not do it it does not get done - for example if the government does not require masks then nobody will wear masks.

"We say that's not true - Walmart doesn't care what the laws are, they don't care what state you are in, if you want to go into a Walmart, regardless of whether the Walmart is, you have to wear a mask and then many other stores followed suit.

"So that just shows you that people and businesses jointly decide that is what they want to do.

"Does that mean that everybody will want to wear masks? No, but what we have now is these videos where people are getting into all-out fist-fights about it. Instead of fighting how about we all live peacefully and those who don't want to wear masks, let them shop in other shops that don't require it?"

Stressing it was her personal choice not to wear a mask, she explained: "I do wear masks when I am asked - I did a lot of airline travel and I will wear a mask on a plane, and if I go to a store which requires it I will wear one.

"But there are places I go which do not require one and that is where I prefer. That's up to me and I accept the consequences."

Asked how her approach impacted anyone in a workplace which did not require mask-wearing who feared contracting the illness and passing it on to an elderly or vulnerable relative, she said: "They can quit their job and go to another job. That's what the free market is all about.

"I'd suggest if you work in a place that doesn't require masks of people, then quit that job and go to another place that does."

The Libertarian Party is also a strong advocate of the 2nd amendment, in other words the right to bear arms.

During the week, commentators including Piers Morgan cited pictures of pro-Trump activists in Arizona's Maricopa County who were carrying semi-automatic rifles outside a vote-counting centre.

However, Ms Jorgensen was unconcerned, saying: "I had not heard of that particular incident but the sight of a gun can be intimidating which is why you hardly ever hear of mass-shootings outside of gun-free zones.

"Typically people who go on rampages do so in a gun-free zone because there is nobody there who has a gun that is intimidating so they are not worried about being stopped."

Referring to a fatal shooting in a Texas church last year, she said:

"Luckily there was an armed security guard there and he did not realise he was armed and he shot the guy after he was only able to kill two people.

"So instead of killing 40 or 50 people, there were only two people killed.

"So having the gun there stops some madman from killing people."

Asked whether the ultimate solution was for every adult American to carry a gun, she said: "It's up to the individual but I don't like laws saying you can't have a gun because then only the people who don't care about laws will have a gun."

A total of 37,269 people have died as a result of gun violence in the USA up to and including November 12, according to the Gun Violence Archive website.

Read the original post:
US election horror: Meet the woman who may be unwittingly responsible for Trump's defeat - Daily Express

The way we use data is a life or death matter from the refugee crisis to COVID-19 – The Conversation UK

In moments of crisis we often turn to data in an attempt to both understand the situation we are in, and to look for answers of how to escape.

In response to COVID-19, governments around the world have employed algorithms, used data from apps installed on our phones, alongside CCTV, facial recognition and other data gathering tools to fight the pandemic. Data is being used to drive the daily movements of billions of people in a way that many of us have never before seen. People are being instructed to stay home, go to work, wear masks, or send their children to school based on the invisible hand of data.

Yet 2020 has also highlighted the dangers of this. The interpretations and collection of this data are not without their problems doctors and politicians looking at the same data can draw wildly different conclusions about the right course of action.

Without doubt, we should be harnessing all the tools we can in the fight to save lives, but the pandemic has also brought many issues with data mapping to the fore. COVID-19 disproportionately affects the poorest people in many countries, as well as black and Asian communities. This is is no small part due to data-driven regulations designed to stop the spread of the disease; often modelled on assumptions made by the people who design and run them.

These inequalities already existed, but models that slow a spread through the closing of offices, reduced transport and home schooling put enormous pressures on the poorest and most vulnerable members of society, who are not privileged enough to change their working or living arrangements. As digital technologies are further introduced, such as mobile track and trace, these communities will be marginalised even further. Even in the richest countries, those without a smartphone will be missed from any digital tracing apps designed to protect people.

Read more: Northern lockdowns shine a light on Britain's landscape of inequality

While these practices are newly confronting to many, such technologies and their failings have long been used to shape the lives, and deaths, of millions around the world. In the digital age, mapping and data continue to be seen as a fix-all. More people than ever are subjected to having their lives dictated not by elected officials, but by black box algorithms, maps, and data visualisations. As our attempts to hold the pandemic at bay continue, we must look at lessons from other crises and push for a more just world.

To do this, it is crucial that people understand the slippery quality of data. Statistics seem solid to many people. But data can mislead, and understanding how this happens is a huge step in the right direction of using data to improve the lives of millions of people around the world, and to tackling global crises such as COVID-19.

There are three main issues with data.

This article is part of Conversation InsightsThe Insights team generates long-form journalism derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.

The first issue seems on the surface the easiest to fix. Dark data refers to data that is not collected at all. Many people believe that if we collected enough data about everything then we could solve any issue. Yet it is impossible to collect everything: there will always be dark data.

We dont, for example, collect data about or from children in the same way as adults because of laws around consent. Data is often collected through tools that are not available to everyone mobile phones share huge amounts of information, but not everybody has a phone.

The real trouble comes due to what are known as epistemic and ideological assumptions. These assumptions mean that even with the best intentions, we cannot gather data about things that we assume we do not need, or that we do not know that we need data about. Stark examples include how frequently women are excluded from trials and testing, either forgotten about, or based upon assumptions they are the same as men. This can have deadly consequences.

At times our biases also push us towards not collecting data that we sense goes against our own interests or views of the world. A surprisingly powerful urge to retain our status quo paralyses us from breaking through this barrier.

The issues of dark data are closely linked to another issue, known as data positivism. This relates to what we do with the data we have captured.

It is all but impossible to present all the data we find. This might be because we have too much of it, or because we are trying to tell a specific story with our data. As we turn the data in to maps and visualisations, we must make choices about what is and isnt included, which often takes the form of prioritising one type of knowledge over another.

Data that fits well with traditional mapping practices will be more likely to be included on a map than other forms of information. This can turn extremely complex and competing sets of ideas into overly simple sets of data, which in turn is transformed into an even further simplified data visualisation. These visualisations are rarely questioned, because the way they are made is beyond the expertise of most people. The expertise of the creator is trusted wholesale they create a false sense of certainty, but one we hold on to, especially if they reinforce our status quo.

Then theres the issue of data washing. Lets assume that you have avoided the problems of dark data and collected everything, including the data you didnt know you needed, and that you have navigated data positivism in the cleaning and preparing of your data.

You then come to present your findings. Perhaps they dont really show the story you wanted, or show the opposite of what you thought what do you do? Do you tweak things so they look different? Do you skip that diagram and move to another that shows something closer to your hypothesis? Do you choose not to share anything at all?

These seem like easy questions to answer, easy to stay on the correct side of ethical practice. But even with the best of intentions we can dismiss our own data when it doesnt conform to pre-held assumptions. We might tell ourselves we must have made a mistake in data collection, so shouldnt share it. Or we might think: that doesnt tell a good story, Ill leave it out. Or perhaps: this should be more dramatic, Ill change the colours and design to make it pop.

These are not always disingenuous, but these seemingly innocent decisions conceal or obscure data and knowledge. They are hard to avoid even with the best of intentions, and when it comes to issues of controversy, the best of intentions is often left wanting.

In turning people into pure data, life and death decisions are made about people without their consent. These are the dehumanising effects of an algorithm-driven world.

Mapping and data visualisation have long been used in times of crisis to help us make sense of what is happening, and to find ways forwards that might preserve lives and create a better future. Prominent examples include Thomas Shapters 1832 maps of cholera in Exeter, UK, followed by the more famous maps of cholera deaths produced by John Snow in London. These maps and their authors were credited with bringing new understanding of waterborne disease and saving many lives.

Florence Nightingale, whose name was given over to the emergency hospitals constructed around the UK in the wake of COVID-19, was also a statistician.

In 1861, as part of her consultation to the US army about care for Civil War casualties, Nightingale made data visualisations, and a lot of them. She created bar charts, stacked bars, honeycomb density plots, and 100% area plots.

Nightingales data visualisations were not about just showing what was happening, they were designed to call for change; to indicate required reform. She also invented a new type of chart to help her arguments: a comparative polar-area diagram known today as the Nightingale rose (she called them wedges). Her most famous diagrams showed the changes in survival rates of patients following sanitary improvements, such as washing hands regularly, and emphasised the effectiveness of these improvements by difference in size.

Nightingale, Shapter, Snow, and many others have used charts and diagrams to build graphic arguments and easy-to-understand comparisons that saved many lives. But when looking back at them, we often only consider the final product (map or chart), rather than the process of their creation. Yet at the time, these works were widely dismissed, and often misinterpreted as supporting the prevailing thoughts of the period.

There were many who did not want to enact the reforms proposed by Nightingale, although they are now seen as transformative in how hospitals are run. And Snows maps became more famous than Shapters not only because they were of London, but because of the evocative story of him striding onto Broad Street and tearing off the handle of the community water pump. Whats forgotten is that this act was required precisely because his data and mappings were initially misinterpreted by those who chose to see Snows maps as supporting their own theories an example of confirmation bias where we read data in a way that suits our own views.

Both Snow and Nightingale saved countless lives through their data work, but even they came up against many of the issues of dark data, data positivism and misinterpretation.

In the digital age, where data is collected on a massive scale, often without consent, and is increasingly organised, sorted and interpreted by computers and algorithms, data has become seen as both a fix all for everything, and a dangerous commodity. The use of data to track people and dictate their actions can mean the difference between life and death in a very real and present sense. While that has been made clear to many of us in relation to COVID-19, there are many more stories of data, crisis and the fight for survival.

In our new book, Mapping Crisis, we look at the experiences of those who have been mapped or had their complex lives reduced to data, aerial photos or reports. From this we are able to draw out better ways of working, and better understandings of the various effects the secret world of data has on our everyday lives.

One of our examples is the case of the Mediterranean migrant crisis.

The Mediterranean Sea is a place that for many conjures images of sun-kissed beaches, fine waterfront dining and turquoise seas. But this stretch of water is also one of the most heavily policed in the world. All movements in the region, whether deemed legal or not, are extensively mapped and monitored by the European Union.

While individual countries on the Mediterranean have long fortified their borders, the formation of the EU effectively created a single border along the northern shores. Since then, European states have continued to put in place an ever more comprehensive, and complex, system for monitoring and exchanging information about irregular migrants trying to reach the continent.

Running under the label EUROSUR, the system combines high-resolution satellite images, long-endurance drones, automated vessel identification systems and seaborne military radars that allow for situational reports and risk analyses in next to real time. These reports give daily updates on successfully intercepted migrant vessels.

But this highly sophisticated tool of mapping the movements of migrants is only interested in those who are stopped. The extensive databases held by EU states hold next to no information about those who die or go missing as they attempt to seek refuge. Those who make it onto European shores, by contrast, are rigorously screened for biometric data, including electronic fingerprints, iris scans and medical checks, and also for personal details about their lives to verify their identity.

According to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), more than 19,000 people have drowned or gone missing on their way to Europe over the last decade. These figures are only estimates: there is no comprehensive system in place to document migrant fatalities across EU member states. European governments do not consider migrant deaths part of their legal responsibility and so do not keep a regular track record of them. This leaves humanitarian agencies like IOM dependent on eyewitness accounts and reports from search and rescue NGOs, medical examiners or the media.

The lack of knowledge regarding migrant deaths reveals how patchy real time tracking of movement across borders really is. It also serves political agendas, where data on the risk to Europe from migration can easily be found, but data on the true life and death risks of crossing the Mediterranean is occluded from public knowledge. This makes it easier to present migrants as a threat, rather than as refugees putting everything on the line to seek safety.

And for Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, this provides a convenient backdrop to legitimise the increasing militarisation of Europes borders under the pretext of preventing further deaths and human suffering.

Along the border, digital maps and statistical charts operate to reinforce the political and social aims of the organisations and governments that collate them. Data is selectively collected, and selectively presented by the EU and European governments, extending Europes migration policy of deterrence and containment deep into the digital domain.

In the specific context of the Mediterranean, this selective reading of data not only minimises the chances of successful asylum applications for those lingering in the reception centres of Greece and Turkey, it also allows governments and the EU as a whole to evade any legal and political responsibility for the human cost of border policing. By not collecting data on those who drown, the EU can hide the fact that for all its sophisticated mapping and tracking technologies, they have no interest in using the data to save lives, or for rescuing men, women and children lost at sea.

No records of deaths means no records of how many European governments watched drown.

That said, Europes wilful unseeing of migrants has not gone uncontested. Numerous civil society initiatives and humanitarian activists have made it a point to keep a regular track record of those who die or go missing and to hold Europe to account.

Initiatives such as the List of Deaths, compiled by organisations such as UNITED and FORTRESS Europe, meticulously document each and every reported incident, using these figures for advocating a radical revision of European asylum policy. While these counter-mappings certainly manage to disrupt the wall of silence surrounding the human cost of border policing, the death lists have done little to disrupt or redirect the priorities of the state.

The transnational network Alarm Phone marks a rare exception in this regard. Alarm Phone offers a 24/7 hotline for migrants in distress. The organisation secures their rescue by notifying national coastguards and port authorities of unfolding emergencies at sea. Using a combination of mobile phones and online messaging apps such as Facebook, Viber, WhatsApp and Skype, alongside logistical platforms such as AIS (The global Automatic identification system used for vessel tracking) and call management software, they attempt to preempt deaths, and prompt action to rescue people at risk of drowning.

The organisation has aided thousands of people in distress. The summer of 2020 was an especially difficult one. With Europes borders closed tighter than ever, Alarm Phone was inundated with calls. In the seven days following August 13, nearly 900 people on 14 boats called Alarm Phone with pleas for help. Alarm Phone raised the alert, and while some were helped to safety, either in Europe or Libya, more than 260 people perished or remain missing.

By bring together technology, networking capacities, and through solidarity and compassion the volunteer network is able to both aid migrants in times of trouble, and to help them pass more effectively under the radar of the EU. The hotline is more than just a distress call: it brings together the knowledge of migrants into effective maps that aid in the logistics of crossing the med. In doing so it also highlights the wilful misuse, and sporadic data collections of the EU member states.

A lot can be learned from the data mapping of the migrant crisis. Maps and data can only ever be partial representations of reality, but as we gather more and more data we can be lured into thinking that these representations are infallible.

Yet, it is clear from the example above that the processes in place do not preserve life: they are tools of control rather than support. There are glimmers of hope in the counter-mapping projects that have arisen to give voice to those who are condemned to silence as they seek a new life. But even the most well-intentioned projects can fall foul of misunderstanding data. Data tends to have a life of its own.

COVID-19 has brought the world of data-driven crisis management to the doorstep of the whole world, but these are not new experiences. Many people have already been reduced to data points. From the Mediterranean to school grades, lives are increasingly dictated by algorithm, computation, and the biases built into these technologies. The way in which we use data is heavily influenced by politics, a desire to maintain the status quo and by conscious and unconscious decisions made at every stage of the process.

So we should question data: how it is collected, and how it is deployed. But data is also important, and we must not dismiss it all outright. The world has seen a push-back against science and a growth in alternative facts. The rise in anti-maskers, anti-vaxxers, 5G conspiracy theorists and coronavirus deniers has shown how dangerous this can be. Such arguments push backwards, not forwards. They do not seek to understand more, but are maintaining a status quo.

While some might try and twist the arguments weve presented here in order to reject science, we are instead saying that we should ask questions that take our understanding further. It is near impossible to eliminate issues caused by dark data, data washing, and data positivism. This can be purposefully, or accidental, but the effects can be far reaching.

So, next time you look at a map and or data visualisation, ask: who is this for? Whose power does it enhance or consolidate? Who is missing from the data? Who was never asked, forgotten or excluded? Who loses? And how can we do it better?

For you: more from our Insights series:

To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversations evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

View post:
The way we use data is a life or death matter from the refugee crisis to COVID-19 - The Conversation UK

How this 22-year-old helped shoot the definitive documentary on India’s migrant crisis during the pandemic – EdexLive

Home means everything. It is a safe haven that has come to mean so much more to us during the pandemic where it has doubled up as an office for all the work-from-home folk. So with no job projects, evicted from their rented places and lockdown hitting them hard, can you blame the migrant labourers for undertaking long journeys from the cities to walk back to their homes in their villages the place that they call home? But that they will come out in such large numbers was the shocker, numbers that are hard to keep track off. So the Digital Empowerment Foundation (DEF), whose mission is to bridge the digital divide, decided to conduct an Ethnography Study. The by-product of it was The Migrants, short films and documentaries.

Abner Manzar was volunteering with DEF and helping with relief work at Nuh and Sohna, two towns near Delhi, in May. And as he was a part of the communications team, he started talking to migrants and taking their interview. "They were all extremely agitated, hungry, tired and emotional. So I reasoned that this might not be the best time for a recorded interview," says the 22-year-old. So he and Ravi Guria, Head, Media and Communication, DEF, decided to set out on a journey of discovering the true stories of the migrants. "Beyond the city, no one was following them. It was assumed that if they reached their homes, the crisis was solved. But that's when the crisis actually began," he points out. So over 16 days in June, armed with an iPhone 11, the two travelled across Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand and in each state, they visited four to five villages to document the plight of migrants.

Let the journey beginThe duo interviewed 60 migrants and it was a mixed bag when it comes to the latter opening up and really talking. With the help of DEF coordinators in every village, they connected to various labourers who had come back home. While some were downright reticent, others were vague and yet others, like Arbaz Khan, a 20-year-old from Bhitiharwa, Bihar, really had a lot to say. When he heard about them, he came to meet them on a bike, almost bursting on the seams to share his story. "Since elections were coming up in Bihar, there were people who were reluctant as well. All we told them that your story needs to reach the world," explains Abner, who is an author as well.

We wonder what the migrants had to say about going back to the cities after the unlock, were they willing or reluctant? "They were people who refused to go back until a vaccine was in place, others wanted to go back to earn. But frankly, their answers were emotional. Out of desperation, most of them must have already gone back," reasons Abner who shuttles between Delhi and Puducherry. And what about the anger? Who was it directed towards? The government, surely. "Surprisingly, no. They were angrier with their employees. They felt betrayed by them. And yet, they had somehow resigned to their faith in some way," shares the travel enthusiast.

The shame of coming backAnother aspect that Abner introduces us to is the ridicule labourers faced after coming back to villages. Since having a job in the city is considered to be the ultimate achievement, when they came back, they were mocked by the rest of the villagers. "I think the solution to this would be more rural employment opportunities," mulls the youngster. However, the romantic idea that one holds of an Indian village was completely shattered as the duo went from one village to another. "As a youngster, it was eye-opening for me to travel to the heartland of India and see the abject poverty that some people live in. Also, the rampant discrimination, it's always in the air," he says with a tinge of sadness in his voice. And then adds, "But I feel that we have all seen migrant labourers as victims, but they are such inspirational figures. Would someone like you or I be able to sustain all that they have had to bear? I don't think so," shares the alumni of Sri Aurobindo International Centre Of Education, Puducherry.

The team is planning for a virtual screening on December 15. The idea is that there will be one 30-minute-long documentary, which is the main offering and then there would be 30 short films of the interviews that they conducted, highlighting different themes.

For more on them, check out themigrants.in

See more here:
How this 22-year-old helped shoot the definitive documentary on India's migrant crisis during the pandemic - EdexLive