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Donald Trump's rally in Tulsa was a titanic failure. He promised to bring thunder and lightning to the BOK Center in Tulsa but instead there was only abrief trickle of rain.

Apparently, TikTok users, largely teenagers, successfully trolled the Trump campaignby reserving hundreds of thousands of tickets for the Tulsa rally online, leading Trump and his campaign manager to brag about the enormous crowd they expected.

In reality, only 6,200 of the most diehard Trump followers would be in the audience for their Great Leader's disjointed airing of grievances, racism, threats of violence, bloviating ignoranceand narcissistic self-pity.

Trump and his campaign organizers were (and remain) shocked and enraged that their boasts about close to a million attendees resulted from an activist prank at their expense.

Trump looking disheveled, enraged, shrunkenand sad arrived back in Washington later that Saturday evening. As he walked across the tarmac, the president appeared to bea broken and defeated man.

If the rumors are to be believed, Trump's White House and campaign are now in disarray after the debacle in Tulsa.

That failedrally reflects bigger problems for Trump, who now trails Joe Biden by double digits in mostpolls, and also trails in battleground states likely to decide the election, includingFlorida, Michigan and Wisconsin. He is losing support among key groups such as suburban whitewomen, evangelicalsand older voters.

Evan Siegfried of NBC News summarizes this:

Reliable Republican voters likesuburban womenandsenior citizenshave been increasingly drifting toward Democratic candidates in both polls and elections since Trump took office, not because Democrats have been winning them over, but because Trump and Republicans have been losing them. And a recent Fox News poll showing Biden with a10-point leadover Trump among voters 65 and older only confirms thegrowing problemfor him.

The economy teeters on the edge of a second Great Depression. Trump's willful and malevolent failure torespond to the coronavirus pandemic is revealed to be something even worse: Trump has now repeatedly admitted that he urged a reduction in virus testing in an effort to hide the true number of casesand improvehis re-election chances.

At present, the mainstream news media's dominant narrative is thatTrump is in "retreat", "disarray," "failing," and "losing." Pundits have largely concluded that his re-election in November is increasingly unlikely.

Liberal schadenfreude feels good, especially for those Americans who have been under siege and made miserable from the many calamities inflictedby Donald Trump and his regime.

But liberal schadenfreude even in combination with Trump's own self-inflicted wounds will not by itself win the 2020 election. To accomplish that will require hard questions, uncomfortable truthsand lots of hard work by the Democratic Party and its voters.

It is true that only 6,000 or so people attended Trump's Tulsa rally. But there shouldhave been no one there to celebratea president with obvious fascist leanings, a global embarrassment whose decisions have brought ruin to the American economy and killed more than 120,000 people.

The race remains too close for comfort. In some polls, Trump trails Biden by as few as seven points. They appear to be tied in Ohio, and Biden's edge is within the margin of errorin Pennsylvania and Arizona.

FiveThirtyEight shows in its "poll of polls" that as of June 23, Biden leads Trump by approximately ninepoints, 51to 41.7 percent.

Consider the context: For the four years of his presidency so far, Gallup reports that Donald Trump has an average presidential approval rating of 40 percent. He continues to command the highest built-in level of support of any president in the history of modern public-opinion polling.

Consider these warnings from the recent past: although their situations are distinct from one another and from the present both 1988 Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis and 2016 nominee Hillary Clinton appeared to holddouble-digit leads over their Republican opponents in the summer. Both went on to lose in November.

Exceptfor his white supremacist counterrevolution against America's multiracial democracy, Trump has fulfilled few of the promises he made to hisfabled"white working class" voters. Again, by conventionalrubrics Trump should be much less popular than he currently is.

Ultimately, the four months between nowand Nov. 3are an eternity in politics. Many things are likely to occur,to Trump's advantage and Biden's disadvantage.

In resisting premature pronouncements that Trumpism hasbeen vanquished, there are importantvariables to consider.

The United States is a failing democracy, struggling to resist the gravity of Trump and his movement's authoritarian assault on the country's political norms, institutionsand values. Thatis a cruciallens for viewing andunderstanding the Age of Trump and the 2020 Election.

On Twitter, conservative pundit Bill Kristol, a "Never Trumper,"summarized theperil:

You look at the polls and think "he can't win." But Trump's path to victory doesn't depend on persuading Americans. It depends on voter suppression, mass disinformation, foreign interference, and unabashed use of executive branch power to shape events, and perceptions, this fall.

Any analysis of the 2020 presidential election that fails toproceed from these basic assumptions is fundamentally flawed.

Social scientists have shown that Donald Trump's supporters and other authoritarian conservatives are especially vulnerable to manipulation by death anxieties. Amid the coronavirus pandemic, such fears will likely make Donald Trump more attractive, not less, to his supporters.

Donald Trump is viewed as a type of god ordivine figure by manyright-wing Christian nationalists and evangelicals. Hemeets all the criteria of being a political cult leader.

Social science research has shown that people who manifest what is known as the "dark triad" of behavior Machiavellianism, psychopathy and narcissism are also more likely to support fascistand authoritarian leaders.

White supremacy and racial authoritarianism are also key variables (if not the most important ones) that helpexplain the enduring power of Trump's movement. Such sentiments and beliefs, and their influence on political decision-making, are not easily dispelled or broken.

Trump also commands a vast news media disinformation and propaganda machine which he uses to manipulate and control his followers,and to shape the contours of American public discourse more broadly. The power of such an apparatus is not to be underestimated.

Contrary to much of the conventional wisdom at this point,Trump is certain to draw on a large reservoir of support on Election Day.

Instead of being seduced by the happy pills of liberal schadenfreude and those who peddle such intoxicants, what shoulddecent Americans do to ensure that Trump is defeated?

Confirm ahead that you are registered. Show up to vote. Make sure that relatives, friendsand neighbors are also voting against Trump and the Republicans. Use a combination of positive social pressure andsocial stigma to influence fence-sitters in your social circle. Only an overwhelming defeat at the polls not a narrow or disputable outcome in the Electoral College can prevent Trump and his minions from declaring the election result to be fraudulent.

Participate in local organizations which are working to create positive social change. Social democracy must be nurtured from the ground up as both a bulwark and prophylactic against the poison of Trumpism and other forms of fake right-wing populism.

Resist purity tests from those voices who demand a perfect candidate. Such standards are a gross luxury in a time of crisis. Joe Biden will be the Democratic Party's presidential nominee. Whatever his flaws and there are many Biden is now the last and therefore bestoption to remove Donald Trump from office.

Do not succumb to the undertow and churn of the 24/7 cable news cycle. Its relentless focus on the outrage of the day is an exhausting distraction from the long-term crisis and existential threat to democracy represented by Trump, his partyand their followers and allies.

Internalize the warnings of Noam Chomsky (among others), who has said: "Trump is the worst criminal in history, undeniably. There has never been a figure in political history who was so passionately dedicated to destroying the projects for organized human life on Earth in the near future. That is not an exaggeration."

In the end, the choice on Election Day is between America and Donald Trump. Nothing more. Nothing less. The American people must vote as if their lives depend on it because they do.

Yes, Trump can certainly be defeated. Butdeclaringvictory too early is a pathway to inevitable defeat, and aguarantee that Donald Trump will remain president for at least another four years, bringing America into one ofits most perilous times.

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After Tulsa: Liberal schadenfreude may feel good, but it won't win the November election - Salon

Mr. Nice Guy: Bud Stevenson

Other than the race between Sleepy Joe and the Orange Man that would be Joe Biden and Donald Trump therell be another item on the November ballot for Californians to consider. If the vote goes the wrong way, at least for conservatives, it will have a lasting impact on important aspects of our lives.

First, some background.

Proposition 209 was approved by voters in 1996 and went into effect in 1998. It said categorically that the state prohibited public universities, schools and government agencies from using race or sex in their admissions criteria, hiring and contract decisions.

So what do the Democrats, who have an overwhelming majority in Sacramento, want to do? For starters, return to the bad old days when a certain percentage of admitted students had to be from a particular ethnic group. What this means is that black and Hispanic students, who score far lower on standardized tests than whites and Asians, would be the beneficiaries of the 209 repeal.

State Sen. Steven Bradford from Gardena in Los Angeles County, vice chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus said, The bedrock of who we are in this country is based on race . . . Its time to end the racism that exists in California and the racism that exists in this building. Its time to understand that race and gender are a factor and theres nothing wrong with looking at it.

So who is against the repeal of 209? Which group, other than privileged white applicants, stands to lose the most if 209 is repealed?

Asian-American applicants score higher on not only their high school standardized tests the SAT, ACT, etc. but their grades on serious subjects. If Im not mistaken, 47% of the students admitted to Cal and UCLA were Asian-American. That is an enormously higher percentage than for black and Hispanic applicants. Liberals reply that black and Hispanic students are the victims of underfunded public schools, while whites and Asians attend much better schools. Actually, theres probably some truth to that, but not enough to even begin to account for the disparity in grades.

Theres something else the feel-good educators have done, both for high school and college students. They have dumbed down the reading lists. When a book is such a classic to be unavoidable, they have put trigger warnings at the opening of the book. Books about Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn have trigger warnings at many schools, for example.

What this means, with politicians such as Bradford in charge against Proposition 209, and educators dumbing down all sorts of traditional works, is that the liberals are well on their way to bending society to their liking.

Since the unions especially the teachers unions giving tons of money to their favorites in Sacramento and Washington, Im not optimistic about the direction of American culture.

And if you dont think that Joe Biden will do the bidding of the teachers unions and other powerful unions, youre not following politics.

What the likely Biden ascendancy means is that liberals will be able to get almost every item on their wish list. And since Biden, in the most recent polls, is way ahead of Trump, the outlook is somber, to say the least.

The liberals already control Sacramento, and the House of Representatives in Washington, so all they need now is the White House. Unfortunately, Im not sure Trump is doing a great job of inspiring independents to favor him. On the other hand, Biden is one of the most wooden candidates weve seen in years. I wish I could say that, at this point, its too close to call. But Im afraid it isnt.

Lets see what the next five months bring.

Bud Stevenson, a retired stockbroker, lives in Fairfield. Reach him at [emailprotected].

Related

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Mr. Nice Guy: Liberals try to bend society to their liking - Fairfield Daily Republic

The Supreme Court delivered surprising wins to liberals this week in a pair of blockbuster decisions that forbade businesses from firing workers base on their sexual orientation or gender identity and halted the Trump administration's efforts to end the Obama-era DACA program, which shields the young migrants known as "Dreamers."

But those on the left still see potential danger ahead. In the coming days, the top court is expected to hand down a decision in a high-profile abortion dispute that could provide signals about how the panel, which counts two appointees of President Donald Trump in its conservative majority, will treat reproductive rights in the years to come.

"Kind of feels like we're being softened up for the blow, huh?" Sasha Samberg-Champion, a liberal civil rights lawyer and former Justice Department attorney, wrote in a representative post on Twitter on Thursday, after the DACA decision was released.

"Progressives must keep their guard up,"Brian Fallon, the executive director of Demand Justice, a Supreme Court activist group, said in a statement.

Meanwhile, the decisions have unsettled those on the right, who have criticized even the Republican-appointed justices for their votes. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., called it the "most disappointing week at #SCOTUS in years."

The fight over abortion has animated clashes over the Supreme Court for decades, and continues to be a battleground in the 2020 presidential race between Trump and presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden.

The case, June Medical Services v. Russo, No.18-1323, concerns a Louisiana law that requires abortion providers to have admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles of their clinic. A federal district court found that it would limit Louisiana, a state of nearly five million people, to just one doctor providing abortions.

June Medical Services was the subject of outsized political attention even before the top court handed down its opinions in the LGBT worker and DACA cases.

As a result of those decisions, though, the case has gained even more weight as a loose barometer of the court's conservatism during a high-stakes election year in which Trump has sought to make both abortion and his right-leaning court picks major elements of his campaign.

The case is the first abortion case to be argued at the court since Trump's nominees, Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, joined the bench.As a candidate, Trump pledged to nominate justices who would "automatically" overturn the landmark abortion decision Roe v. Wade.

Among the reasons that the case has caused so much alarm among reproductive rights activists is that the law in question is nearly identical to a Texas abortion measure that the Supreme Court struck down just four years ago.

The fact that the court agreed to hear a case involving a law so similar to the one it struck down in 2016 suggests that the court, with its new conservative majority, could be ready to pare back abortion precedents set when the top court was more liberal.

It's quite possible, though, that the court hands another win to liberals.

During oral arguments in March, Chief Justice John Roberts signaled that he was open to striking down the law, though such questions are not always predictive of how a justice will vote. Gorsuch and Kavanaugh provided few clues about their thinking at the time. In an unusual move, Gorsuch asked no questions at all.

A decision in the case will likely be handed down by the end of June, though it could be delayed as a result of precautions taken in response to Covid-19.

The unpredictability of the high court showcases the difficulty of Trump's efforts to make his Supreme Court nominees a campaign talking point. While Trump often boasts of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh at speeches and campaign rallies, his tone was far more sour this week.

"These horrible & politically charged decisions coming out of the Supreme Court are shotgun blasts into the face of people that are proud to call themselves Republicans or Conservatives," Trump wrote in a post on Twitter shortly after the DACA decision was released on Thursday.

"The recent Supreme Court decisions, not only on DACA, Sanctuary Cities, Census, and others, tell you only one thing, we need NEW JUSTICES of the Supreme Court," he wrote in another. "If the Radical Left Democrats assume power, your Second Amendment, Right to Life, Secure Borders, andReligious Liberty, among many other things, are OVER and GONE!"

To some extent, Trump's attacks on the court are in line with his tangles, dating back years, against Roberts, an establishment Republican who was appointed by then-President George W. Bush.

Carrie Severino, who leads the conservativeJudicial Crisis Network, an influential activist organization, said in an interview that decisions like the DACA decision, written by Roberts, "are part of the reason that we have President Trump."

"The chief justice has created a real pattern of being complicit in efforts to weaponize the court as a tool against the Trump administration," Severino said.

Complicating Trump's maneuvering, however, is the role played by his own justices in the legal defeats.

While both Gorsuch and Kavanaugh were in the minority in the DACA dispute, Gorsuch was the author of the court's Monday decision applying Title 7 of the Civil Rights Act to LGBT workers. The vote in that case was 6-3, with Roberts joining Gorsuch and the court's liberals, Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan.

In the sanctuary case the president appeared to cite, the administration failed to garner even four votes to have the court review the administration's challenge to a California law limiting state and local cooperation with federal immigration authorities.

Likewise, it only would have taken four votes for the court to agree to hear any of 10 Second Amendment cases that the court rejected onMonday, in a move that disappointed gun-rights activists. Justice Clarence Thomas, one of the most conservative judges on the top court, dissented from his colleagues' decision not to hear one of the cases.

While the vote tallies were not published in those disputes, it would not have required Roberts or any of the court's liberals to vote to take them up in the court's next term.

Melissa Murray, a law professor at New York University and the co-host of the Supreme Court podcast Strict Scrutiny, called Trump's messaging around the Supreme Court "a little idiosyncratic and perhaps incoherent."

"There is at once some dissatisfaction that his conservative majority isn't acting in the way he wants, but also a realization that judges helped get him elected," she said.

Of the most recent week at the Supreme Court, Murray pointed out that the legal issues at play in June Medical Services are distinct from those that were argued in the LGBT rights and DACA cases.

But, she said, "one thing you might glean from this week is that the chief justice remains very much an institutional steward of the court and its legacy."

In that sense, it is possible thatRoberts' shepherding of the court's reputation could play some role in all three cases.

"He might be concerned with the perception that the court is in the pocket of the Trump administration," Murray said.

More here:
Abortion case could end or add to streak of liberal wins at Supreme Court - CNBC

Jon Stewart made his reputation as a smart political comedian and commentator on Comedy Centrals The Daily Show on TV, before quitting in 2015 to develop movie projects, of which the first was his excellent Rosewater. But this heartsinkingly is the follow-up. Its a flaccid, toothless, supercilious political non-satire for liberals too fastidious to take sides or take action. The film perches on a fence of wry disdain and makes droll gestures of disapproval at the wasteful big-money awfulness of everyones political campaign. And its leading to a big tortuous plot twist which frankly isnt convincing, despite the talking-head expert interviewee who is wheeled on over the closing credits to assure us that it is. What were left with is a bland cop-out, which incidentally wont worry anyone yearning for Donald Trumps second term.

Steve Carell finds some of his dullest form playing Gary Zimmer, a Washington DC political strategist for the Democratic party, desperately searching for the next big thing after the debacle of 2016. (Stewart may have been inspired by Stanley Tuccis media-manipulator in the small-town political satire Swing Vote.) To Zimmers astonished delight, one of his minions finds a viral YouTube video of a retired Marine Corps veteran called Colonel Jack Hastings, played by Chris Cooper, giving a passionate speech about caring community values at a town-hall meeting somewhere in Wisconsin, where folks have been financially stricken by the recent army-base closure. The holy grail: a tough guy whos also a progressive.

Cunning Zimmer duly shows up in hicksville (wrinkling his nose at all the niceness thereabouts) to persuade the grumpily authentic Hastings to run as a Dem for mayor and maybe something more if it all works out. Soon the top brass in Washington are excited; the cash rolls in for his campaign and the Republicans get fired up too bringing in their ice-queen spin-doctor Faith Brewster, played by Rose Byrne, who seems to have some history and toxic sexual chemistry with Zimmer.

There are, arguably, one or two reasonable touches, such as the observation about punctuation on billboard ads, inspired by the notorious Jeb! campaign for the hapless Jeb Bush. But really, any single TV episode of Veep or Parks and Recreation has far more wit, fun and political zap than this great big laugh-free feast of self-congratulatory dullness. Zimmer himself never has any funny lines and the rules about making the leading man relatable and making the Democratic guy basically nice mean that he is never allowed to have any of that Satanic political glamour of pure wickedness that might have made his character interesting. The movie never permits itself the forbidden fossil-fuel of cynicism that might have given it some movement.

The talents of Topher Grace and Natasha Lyonne are thrown away in the tiny roles of pollsters and online number-crunchers that Zimmer has brought in. It could be that much of their characters were lost in the edit, but certainly the film is not especially interested in the hot-button issues of Facebook and data-harvesting. The eerie absence of race as an issue in the film is also naive.

The story runs on predictable lines, with the underdog Hastings making exciting gains on the Republican incumbent; then his momentum stalls and theres a dilemma how nasty are his team prepared to be to clinch their win? And theres that very exasperating ending, to which I can only say that in the real world, Zimmer, having raised serious amounts of cash from hedge-funders and the like, would take a pretty close interest in the bottom line.

The real finale, however, comes in the typography: the word RESIST is eye-catchingly picked out in the middle of the title, in fine Michael-Moore-lite style. Resist? Really? How? The movie has signed off with a pert little flourish to the effect that the whole system is broken, so maybe we should wish a plague on both their houses or neither. Either way, the supposed satirical attitude of Irresistible cant conceal the fact that its contrived, unfunny and redundant.

Released on 26 June on digital formats.

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Irresistible review Jon Stewarts political non-satire for liberals is as dull as it gets - The Guardian

The Conservatives spent nearly to the limit in the 2019 federal election more than the Liberals did and almosttriplethe amount shelled out by the New Democrats.

Campaign returns filed by most parties and posted to Elections Canada's website show the Conservatives spent $28.9 million during the fallelection campaign, nearly hitting the $29.1 million limit. This was narrowly more than the $26.1 million theLiberals spent.

Both parties spent significantly more than the New Democrats. The NDP's election expenses totalled $10.3 million barely a third of what the party was allowed to spend during the campaign.

The Green and People's parties requested and were granted filing extensions by Elections Canada. The filings for the Bloc Qubcois had not been posted as of Monday evening.

The numbers show that the Conservatives and Liberals were fighting on alevel playing field as far as money is concerned. This parityextended to the pre-election period, when the Conservatives spent $1.8 million and the Liberals spent$1.7 millionon partisan advertising. The NDP spent only $66,000 on partisan advertising over the pre-election period. (The legislatedlimit on that spendingwas just over $2 million.)

The Conservatives shelled out most of their pre-election spending on television ads $1.2 million of their pre-election advertising went on TV. The Liberals spent just $344,000 on pre-election TV advertising, optinginstead to spent nearly half of their pre-election dollars on online ads.

During the campaign period itself, the Conservatives spent $15.9 million on advertising. About $9.3 million of that went to TV spots,$4.6 million was spent online and $1.7 million went to radio ads.

In all three categories, the Conservatives outspent the Liberals.The Liberals spent $14 million on ads during the campaign, including $5.2 million for TV ads and $3.8 million for online ads. The Liberals spent another$3.8 millionon ads categorized as "other" in the election filings.

Nearly all of the $3.9 million the NDPspent on ads went online and on television. In both total dollars and as a share of their total election expenses, the New Democrats spent far less on advertising than either the Liberals or the Conservatives. The two bigger parties spent just over half of their money on ads. Ad spending represented just 38 per cent of the total for the NDP.

One reasonfor this may be that the New Democrats appear to have run a top-heavy campaign. The party spent about $2.9 million on the national office, professional services and salaries and benefits about 28 per cent of all the expenses it booked during the campaign.

While the Conservatives and Liberals both spent more on these line items ($4.8 million and $3.7 million, respectively), the percentage of theircampaign budgets going to theseexpenseswasabout half the share of the NDP budget that went tostaffing.

The NDP's overall financial disadvantagewas felt in other areas. The Conservatives and Liberals each spent more than twice as much as the NDP did on polling and research. While the NDP spent $2.1 million on Jagmeet Singh's campaign tour, the Conservatives spent $4.9 million sending Andrew Scheer across the country and the Liberals spent $6.7 million on Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's tour.

The money the NDP spent on the campaign is not money they would have had in the bank, either. Throughout 2019, the New Democrats raised just $8 million, compared to $21 million for the Liberals and $31 million for the Conservatives.

It's difficult to compare the spending in the 2019 election to what was spent in the 2015 campaign, since the 2015 campaignwas nearly twice as long. On a per-day basis, however, both the Conservatives and Liberals spent more in 2019 than they did in 2015. The NDP, which entered the last campaign as the Official Opposition, spent significantly lesson every expense category except non-leader travel and "other expenses."

The Conservatives spent less on a per-day basis in 2019 on voter contact services and on their national office, while they spent more on everything else. The biggest jump in Conservative spendingwas for advertising outside ofradio and TV suggesting a bigger shift of ad dollarsto theonline market in 2019 than in 2015.

The Liberals spent more on a per-day basis on everything except radio and TV ads their spending on those two itemsactually dropped between the two campaigns. The Liberals'biggest increases in spending were for the leader's tour and for non-traditional advertising.

In raw dollars, however, the 2015 campaign was far more expensive. Both the Liberals and Conservatives spent over $40 million in that campaign, while the NDP spent nearly $30 million.

Nevertheless, the Conservatives still spent $2.9 million more in 2019 on non-radio or TV advertising than they did in 2015, despite the campaign being half as long. They also spent more on professional services and travel that was unrelated to the leader's tour. The only thing theLiberals spent more on in 2019 than in 2015 was election surveys (an increase of $34,000).

Elections Canada also hasposted the campaign returns for hundreds of local campaignswhose expenses are tracked separately from those booked by the national campaigns. The filings are incomplete, so it isn't possible to do a full accounting of what was spent by each party across the country just yet.

But the filings do give us a glimpse of a few key local contests.

After leaving the Liberal Party over the SNC-Lavalin affair, Jody Wilson-Raybould and Jane Philpott each ran as independent candidates in their ridings.

Wilson-Raybould was not hurting for money in her successful bid for re-election. The filings show she received $222,000 in contributions during the campaign double the spending limit in her Vancouver Granville riding. She spent $97,203 in election-related expenses.

Her Liberal opponent's return has yet to be filed, but the Conservatives' Zach Segal spent $98,740 on his third-place showing in the riding.

Philpott, running in the Ontario riding of MarkhamStouffvile, was not as fortunate as Wilson-Raybould. While she had a fully-stocked warchest after receiving $148,000 in contributions during the campaign, and spent $101,000 onher re-election bid, she fell over 11,000 votes short of the Liberals' Helena Jaczek, who spent $102,000.

In ReginaWascana, where the Conservatives unseated long-time Liberal MP Ralph Goodale by 7,000 votes, the party spent just $75,000 against Goodale's $92,000.

People's Party Leader Maxime Bernier outspent the Conservatives' Richard Lehoux in his riding of Beauce by a margin of $92,000 to $89,000, but finished 6,000 votes behind.

Money helps in politicsbut it can't buy you love or votes.

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Conservative election spending outpaced Liberals by a little and the NDP by a lot - CBC.ca