Archive for February, 2020

Commentary: The silent trauma of simply being born in the wrong country – The State Journal-Register

By Dr. Didar Singh

FridayFeb7,2020at7:35PMFeb7,2020at7:35PM

I am a physician at Springfield Clinic. Im originally from India, but my family and I have lived in the United States for 13 years. In that time, I have worked hard to take care of my patients and to build a life in this community all on my temporary visa for exceptional ability.

There are now about 800,000 immigrants working legally in the United State, but waiting for a green card. Many of them are from India. This unprecedented backlog means an Indian national may have to wait up to 50 years to receive a green card. For an immigrant from most European countries, the backlog is much shorter and so, too, is their wait.

My eldest son was just 2 years old when we came here, and will soon age out of my green card application, meaning he will no longer be allowed to live here on my temporary visa and will either be forced to self deport to India or obtain his own student visa. We have to ask ourselves: can we find a way to keep our family together in the country we have called home for so many years? There are dozens of other physicians in our community in similar situations.

A bill in Congress S.386 would lift discriminatory country caps and make the skills-based green card system first come, first served. This bill passed in the House with tremendous bipartisan support. The Senate would have passed it, too, but Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) blocked the bill in October 2019, using it as leverage to try to accomplish other immigration reform. That gamble ignores the urgency of this situation and leaves me and my colleagues in a dangerous limbo.

Families like mine of Indian origin are going through a silent trauma simply because we were born in the wrong country.

Didar Singh, MD, FACP

Springfield Clinic

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Commentary: The silent trauma of simply being born in the wrong country - The State Journal-Register

Don’t Count Out Iowa Just Yet – The Nation

Carl Voss, Des Moines City Council member and a precinct chair, shows photographers the app that was used for caucus results reporting on his phone after he unsuccessfully attempted to drop off a caucus results packet at the Iowa Democratic Party headquarters. (Alex Wong / Getty Images)

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No one votes for president at a Democratic caucus in Iowa. People sit or stand shoulder-to-shoulder with their neighbors and choose their favorite candidate. If that candidate has less than 15 percent of those neighbors choices, people have an opportunity to choose again.Ad Policy

But in a lesser-known way, precinct caucuses are elections. After most people and the TV cameras leave, those who remain cast votes for precinct committee members, county convention officials, and a slate of delegates representing the presidential preferences of the caucus members.

At my caucus of 846 people, for example, participants awarded five delegates each to Sanders and Warren and two to Klobuchar. They then elected 12 people to serve as those delegates at the county convention, the next step in the party-building process that was the original intent of the caucus system. Its truly democratic to decide who will represent you in party affairs that affect your neighborhood, your county, your city, your state.

In the good old days (i.e., the previous century) before the glare of national publicity began to threaten the existence of the caucuses, one more election would be held: the adoption of resolutions that eventually become the partys platform. Those resolutions ranged from the cosmic (e.g., We support world peace) to the comic (e.g., We believe that everyone here should help put away the chairs), but they also tackled relevant issues like marriage equality, immigration reform, health care, and support or opposition to specific pieces of state and federal legislation. Sadly, to some of us, only a handful of caucus-goers linger into the night to discuss ideas, big and small, with their neighbors.Related Article

The expectation of rapid results coming from nearly 1700 events run by volunteers (not the secretary of state, not the county auditor, not paid professionals) is ridiculous. Most Iowa caucus attendees waited patiently and with good humor for their neighbors to work through the caucus process in their school gyms, church basements, and college buildings, in contrast to Chris Cuomo in his CNN studio demanding hard numbers immediately.

The Iowa Democratic Party (IDP) had a plan to make the caucuses more inclusive. It worked hard to, among other things, hold so-called virtual caucuses to allow more people to participate. But then something happened.

On August 31, 2019, the Democratic National Committee told the IDP to scrap its plans due to hacking concerns. This left the IDP five months to come up with a new plan that would improve inclusivity, satisfy the ever-demanding New Hampshire Democratic party, and please the media and others who wanted, for the first time, raw numbers as well as delegate equivalents.Related Article

In a primary you cast your ballot, usually in a few minutes, and go home. You dont interact with the family who lives down the street, the couple who just moved into your apartment building, the young person who shovels your walk, the people on your bus route or the farmer down the road. In a primary you dont get to elect people who represent you locally. In a primary you dont build community by hanging out with old friends and meeting new people, or by volunteering to check people in, count cards, or by talking with strangers about which candidate youre supporting.

In the words of one Democrat at her first caucus, It was such an experience, aiding democracy in a concrete way. Im grateful to be able to associate with so many wonderful people in the neighborhood.

The Iowa caucus has had a target on its back for decades. Maybe App-gate will be the final stake in its heart. Despite its problems, this year it succeeded once again in winnowing the field (remember when 22 candidates tested the water in Iowa?) and giving candidates real-world training. Like vampires, it will be hard to kill.

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Don't Count Out Iowa Just Yet - The Nation

Idaho congressional delegation reacts to President Trump’s State of the Union address – KTVB.com

Sens. Mike Crapo and Jim Risch, and Reps. Mike Simpson and Russ Fulcher weighed in after the president's speech.

BOISE, Idaho Idaho's congressional delegation offered up their thoughts on the State of the Union address, delivered by President Trump to Congress and the nation Tuesday night.

Sens. Mike Crapo and Jim Risch, and Reps. Mike Simpson and Russ Fulcher released the following statements after the president's speech:

Sen. Mike Crapo

In his third State of the Union address, President Trump delivered a strong and optimistic message that highlighted the many economic and national security successes his Administration and Congress have developed throughout this presidency. Significant progress has been made in the last three years to deliver commonsense approaches that address the needs of all Americans.

President Trump addressed these present-day issues with optimism. But the Presidents promises to the American people also include a long-term vision of success by working steadily to appoint a record number of judicial nominees to Americas courts--including two Supreme Court Justices, 50 Circuit Court judges and 133 district judges. The Senate has confirmed more judges in President Trumps first full term than in any other presidents since 1980.

I will continue to work with President Trump and my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to pass legislation that builds on the many successes of the last three years and develops an inclusive economy where people of every background can continue to find new opportunities.

Note: The above is only part of Sen. Crapo's statement. You can watch the full statement in the video below.

Sen. Jim Risch

Note: Sen. Risch's statement comes from a live interview he gave to NBC News after the speech.

"I've done public service my entire adult life, and I've sat through hundreds of speeches. This was as good as it gets. I would really hope that every American would take an hour out of their day and listen to this president talk about the greatness of this country, where we've been, both in history and recently and the potential of where we're going. This was a classic speech, an instant classic, and I hope every American will take time to watch it.

Question: What did you like best [about the speech?]

"It's hard to say, there were so many good parts of it. It was a classic in that he, first of all, took a victory lap for the incredible job he's done with the economy. We haven't seen a year like this for well over half a century in every measurable economic respect.

"[He] had some surprises in there with the returning serviceman. Seeing Juan Guiado here from Venezuela was absolutely stunning. To see him in the audience tonight, it really was an all-time classic speech."

Rep. Russ Fulcher

Note: Sen. Risch's statement comes from a live interview he gave to NBC News after the speech.

"If you're a red-blooded American, then you had to love that speech tonight. It was positive, it was upbeat. Of course, the president had to talk about his accomplishments, and they're good. He also pumped up the nation, he talked about where we're moving forward, he talked about health care, immigration reform and those types of things which is important to everyone. And [he] stood up for the conservative causes, which so many of us champion: Life andSecond Amendment and religious freedom. And so I thought he did a fabulous job, and I was just proud of him tonight. He was talking like a president, not like a campaign person.

"I was also very pleased that he didn't bring up the whole impeachment issue. That didn't get brought up at all. I thought that was classy. I thought that was appropriate and that's what I was hoping would happen."

Rep. Mike Simpson

The President covered a lot of ground tonight, largely discussing the robust economy we all enjoy. This stimulated economy wasnt by accident, it came from implementing tax reform, trade policies, and by reducing onerous federal regulations. President Trump worked tirelessly to ensure USMCA was signed into law and under this new and improved trade deal, U.S. agricultural exports alone are expected to increase by more than $2 billion annually, further helping our economy. President Trump has been a leader on these economic drivers, and I applaud his Administration for their efforts.

In Idaho, we have a record low unemployment rate of 2.7 percent and our strong economy is benefiting greatly by reducing overreaching federal regulations. Less than two weeks ago, I joined many of my colleagues and the Administration announcing the new rule concerning the Waters of the United States. For almost a decade Ive heard concerns from farmers, ranchers, small businesses, governors, and many others about the extremely broad definition of waters of the United States under the Clean Water Act. This Administration took note of those concerns and rewrote the rule in a way that maintains critical protections under the Clean Water Act, while also appropriately delegating state and local jurisdictions in charge of regulating smaller bodies of water, as the law was intended.

Once again President Trump laid out several bipartisan goals; addressing our countries infrastructure needs, educational needs by offering vocational and technical education in high school, lowering the costs of prescription drugs, and covering pre-existing conditions.

Despite being the target of impeachment talk since the very beginning of his term, he has seated two accomplished U.S. Supreme Court Justices, secured a bipartisan budget deal, enacted historic tax cuts and reforms, negotiated a better deal for the United States with the USMCA, reduced illegal border crossings, and rebuilt our military, not to mention the benefits of a consistently strong and growing economysomething ALL Americans currently enjoy. I hope tomorrow marks the end of partisan fights and the beginning of bipartisan governing so we can continue the strong positive momentum in our great nation.

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Idaho congressional delegation reacts to President Trump's State of the Union address - KTVB.com

Dems must focus on removing Trump from the White House – People’s World

During his victory speech three days after the Iowa Caucus Bernie Sanders emphasized the paramount importance of turning Trump out of office. | Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP

DES MOINES, Iowa Confusion surrounding the Iowa Caucus results continued Feb. 6 after Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez called for a re-canvass of votes to ensure their full integrity. The chaos is likely the final nail in the coffin of the Iowa caucus, long criticized as undemocratic and unrepresentative of Democratic base voters.

Obscured in all this was a historical outcome the victory of Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., a self-declared democratic socialist. Sanders won by approximately 3,000 votes over 2nd place finisher, former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg, an openly gay man.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., finished third, followed by former Vice President Joe Biden, a showing widely seen as damaging to his campaign.

As of now, Sanders and Buttigieg will each be awarded 11 of 41 delegates to the Democratic National Convention. Warren will receive five delegates.

Sanders victory

Candidates spent the past year crisscrossing the state, engaging hundreds of thousands of voters, speaking before mass rallies, town halls, and intimate gatherings. For their part, voters took the whole process very seriously, weighing many factors as they decided whom to support.

Sanders won based on a program of large-scale economic and political change, including universal health care, climate justice, and free public college tuition. But Sanders also had an extensive ground operation that made over 500,000 voter contacts in January alone and a campaign flush with grassroots donations.

Buttigieg and Warren had substantial campaign operations too. The Sanders campaign reached 75% of caucus-goers, and Warren and Buttigieg reached 66%.

Sanders won, especially in urban areas and college towns, among young voters and 67% of caucus-goers who identified themselves as liberal or very liberal. He carried predominantly Latino and African American precincts and dominated the 87 satellite caucuses, including a caucus of Spanish speakers.

Sanders won about half of the voters under 30 years old, although this was down from 84% in 2016. He won 44% of LGBTQ voters, the rest split between Warren and Buttigieg. He lost support among voters 30-45 years old from levels he enjoyed in 2016.

Buttigieg showed support among moderate voters, surprisingly among youth, and 22% of LGTBQ voters. He won 61 of Iowas 99 counties, demonstrating support in rural and suburban areas. But Buttigieg had little support in communities of color, the Achilles heel of his campaign. Influences of homophobia, and 57% of voters who felt a gay candidate would have a hard time beating Trump, likely hurt him.

Warren consistently finished among the top candidates in precincts across the state. She was narrowly favored by women voters, particularly young women and college graduates, and ran stronger in suburban areas. She also did well among liberal voters. Sexism and the perception among 45% of caucus-goers who felt a woman candidate would have a harder time against Trump undoubtedly hurt Warren.

For Biden, the results were disappointing. A poorly run campaign operation, which left many caucus sites staffed by out-of-staters, hurt his vote. The illegal scheme cooked up by Trump and Giuliani to use Ukraine to tarnish his image with corruption and charges of nepotism, may also have hurt Bidens image. That said, Biden was supposed to do well among seniors and working-class whites, especially in eastern Iowa. He came up short among both groups.

However, despite his poor showing, Biden shouldnt be counted out yet. He still enjoys the support, although fragile, of the Democratic establishment, many elected officials, some labor unions, older voters, moderates, and many African-American voters.

Many expected turn out to exceed the record 238,000 set in 2008, based on the broad democratic upsurge and intense hatred of Trump. In the end, turnout was 176,000, only slightly better than 2016, despite reforms won by the Sanders campaign that included the 87 satellite caucuses, including for shift workers and Spanish speakers.

One reason for the lower than expected turnout may have been the high level of undecideds going into the caucuses. Many people agonized over the vast field of candidates, finding multiple candidates appealing. One-third of caucus-goers decided on their preferred candidate only in the last few days or on the last day of the caucus.

Challenges looming

Sanders heads into New Hampshire as the front runner. However, he and the rest of the Democratic field face enormous challenges. As the primaries head to far more racially diverse states of South Carolina, Nevada, and Super Tuesday, the dynamics of the primary will change markedly.

The candidate best able to appeal to the broadest swath and the most diverse universe of voters, especially with strong relationships with African American and Latino communities, has the best chance to emerge victoriously. They will be the candidate who can most effectively integrate issues of economic, racial, and gender equity, of protecting democracy and addressing the climate crisis.

The primaries will be additionally complicated by the presence of former New York City mayor and billionaire Michael Bloomberg and fellow billionaire Tom Steyer.

Bloomberg has already spent $500 million, more than all the other candidates combined, on wall-to-wall media exposure. His campaign announced they would double-spending, effectively crowding out media exposure for all the other campaigns. Bloomberg can also count on his connections to networks on gun safety and the climate crisis, which he has funded lavishly.

But voters are also making judgments on which candidate they feel best able to defeat Trump. Two-thirds of Iowa caucus-goers said beating Trump was the top priority, and for some, the only priority. For many, this was more important than full agreement on the issues. In my interviews with voters, to a person, they said they would support whoever the eventual nominee is.

Sharpening tensions between campaigns is only natural, but keeping an eye on defeating Trump and maintaining the broad unity of the anti-Trump coalition is paramount. For some of those on the left who see the Democratic establishment as the main enemy, it cant be my way or the highway. And at the same time, for moderates and establishment forces, it cant be, anybody but Bernie.

Tens of millions already know to defeat Trump and the GOP, regardless of which Democrat is elected, ends the immediate national nightmare and the siege of our democratic institutions. A victory opens the door to move toward greater access to universal health care, addressing the climate crisis, worker rights, mass incarceration, and immigration reform, etc. and creates new space and influence for the mass movements to propel these demands forward.

For example, finding unity on the health care issue calls for flexibility. Its clear Trump and the GOP are out to dismantle Obamacare completely. While 70% of Iowa caucus-goers favored a single-payer system, 90% also favored a public option, and 60% supported both. Many union members who have health insurance won through collective bargaining agreements have doubts about giving up what they already have for a promise of something better.

It will take an Obama campaign type movement and a historic voter turnout to defeat Trump, one that merges with the vast upsurge to defend democracy sweeping the country. It will take a campaign-movement with deep connections to multi-racial working-class communities, to women who are leading many struggles, other social strata, the LGBTQ community, immigrants, youth, seniors, liberals, moderates, independents, and Democratic party regulars. It will take a campaign that embraces all social movements, including around gun safety, climate crisis, mass incarceration, immigration reform, disability, and reproductive rights.

Trump clearly outlined his line of attack during his state of the Union address, which doubled as a campaign kick-off. He will shroud the country in a veil of lies extolling his administrations accomplishments. Meanwhile, Trump will invoke a new red scare of rabid socialists threatening to impose government healthcare at home while embracing totalitarian dictators abroad, of open borders that permit immigrants to swarm the U.S. committing murder and mayhem. He intends to double down on racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and misogyny.

Challenging Trump by exposing those lies will be critical to broadening the coalition that will vote him out. Millions of Trump voters, for example, either desperately need or directly benefit from Obamacare provisions that protect those with pre-existing conditions. Trump lies to them when he says he will do this while his administration battles in court to take that protection away. Like most people, Trump voters dont like being cheated or lied to. As for the Democratic candidates: They would do much better exposing these lies than by attacking one another.

And, now acquitted in the Senate impeachment (sham) trial on charges of extortion and bribery to solicit foreign interference in the 2020 elections on his behalf, and then obstructing the investigation, Trump will now feel emboldened to commit new crimes including again inviting interference by foreign powers. Trumps unprecedented campaign of ugliness and disinformation, including disruptions of the election process and massive voter suppression, will confront something else unprecedented a mass democratic movement intent on mobilizing a historic voter turnout to oust him and his GOP enablers.

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Dems must focus on removing Trump from the White House - People's World

What would Trump do in a second term? – The Week

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Did Donald Trump take over the Republican Party, or was it the other way around? Yes, Trump's multi-front trade war was a violent break from GOP economic orthodoxy. But in many other ways on policy, the president has been a traditional Republican. He's cut taxes for rich people and corporations. He's slashed regulations. And he's appointed conservative federal judges. Even the twist-and-turns of his protectionist trade policies have seemed closely attuned to the reactions of the donor base as expressed through the stock market.

President Trump's State of the Union address, however, suggests a second term might contain far less deference to traditional party priorities and the desires of business and wealthy donors. While it wasn't a speech heavy on new policy initiatives, the absence of much talk about taxes is noteworthy. Tax cuts have been the raison d'etre of the modern GOP. And every tax cut, once passed, has merely set the stage for the next round of rate reductions. In President Reagan's re-election year SOTU in 1984, he not only praised at length the results of his sweeping 1981 tax cuts, but promised even more dramatic tax reform in the years ahead.

Trump, though, decided other issues were more deserving of focus. While he did briefly credit his 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs for helping to "rapidly revive" an already growing economy, that was about it for taxes. Instead of the traditional Republican call to revamp the tax code in the name of faster GDP growth and simplicity, Trump merely urged Congress to pass a tax credit scholarship for contributions to state-sanctioned scholarship funds to help parents pay private and religious school expenses. Not the sort of pro-growth tax cut that Reaganite "supply-siders" care much about, maybe, but it's an important policy goal of Trump's conservative Christian base.

And that tax credit idea was hardly Trump's only SOTU shout-out to "family first" and "nationalist populist" conservatives. Trump described his agenda as "relentlessly pro-worker, pro-family, pro-growth, and, most of all, pro-American." That sounds a lot like the rhetoric from market-skeptic Republican thinkers such as Hillbilly Elegy author J.D. Vance, who speaks of "pro-family, pro-worker, pro-American nation conservatism." Instead of business tax cuts or more deregulation, the few policies Trump did mention were pretty much oriented toward such Republicans who think globalization and technology have caused too much societal disruption. In addition to the religious tax credits, Trump pushed immigration reform, suing sanctuary cities, infrastructure spending, and lowering drug prices. He also endorsed a bipartisan proposal in Congress to extend paid leave to families after the birth or adoption of a child.

If Trump wins a second term this November, it's reasonable to expect similar policy impulses. Sure, he might propose more tax cuts, but they are more likely to be payroll tax cuts geared toward middle-class workers instead of income tax cuts for rich people and corporations. He'll look for a new Federal Reserve chair less worried about inflation than current boss Jerome Powell, who deserves at least partial credit for the surging stock market and continuing expansion. Trump will let the national debt soar rather than trimming projected Medicare and Social Security benefits. And there will be more protectionism, although it may be called "industrial policy." In other words, Trump will ignore the traditional economic policy advice rich Republicans read about in The Economist, Financial Times, or Wall Street Journal.

And the donors might be fine with all that. The Trump tax cuts were sizable and they're not going away anytime soon. So that's a big long-term win. More importantly, perhaps, is that just as religious conservatives see Trump as protecting them from an evermore secular and hostile culture, wealthier Republicans see Trump as a bulwark against rising socialism, democratic or otherwise. Of course, there's nothing new about Republicans using that label against liberals and progressives. But these days it's more than just a taunt. Two of the Democratic Party's most popular national politicians, Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, call themselves socialists and question whether billionaires should even exist. And even top Democrats who prefer the "capitalist" label, like Sen. Elizabeth Warren, are proposing large income and wealth taxes. Given that unpalatable alternative, wealthy conservatives understandably aren't going to worry so much about Trump tinkering with tariffs.

Yet why should Trump who'll be 74 on Election Day and unable to run for a third term care so much about pleasing family-first conservatives and the party's white-working class voters? Well, politics is the new Trump family business. And Donald Jr. and Ivanka are among Republican voters' top picks for the GOP presidential nomination in 2024. That means Trump isn't just the patriarch of a rich and powerful family, he also needs to help maintain the intergenerational Trump political brand.

In one way, at least, Trump is just as family first as his loyal followers.

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What would Trump do in a second term? - The Week