Archive for November, 2019

What turned the tone of British politics from civil to bitter? – The Christian Science Monitor

London

The admonition was authoritative and stark. Intimidation in public life presents a threat to the very nature of representative democracy in the U.K.

But that warning two years ago from the Committee on Standards in Public Life, an independent body advising then-Prime Minister Theresa May, fell on deaf ears. Bullying, insults, and threats have become commonplace in British political life since. And as the current election campaign in the United Kingdom moves into top gear, many politicians fear that things could get even worse.

Some of them cant face that prospect.

Nobody in any job should have to put up with threats, aggressive emails, being shouted at in the street, sworn at on social media, nor have to install panic alarms at home, Heidi Allen, a former Conservative member of Parliament, wrote to her constituents explaining why she is not running for reelection next month.

The nastiness and intimidation of public life had exhausted her, she wrote.

So toxic has the political atmosphere grown fouled largely by angry disagreement over Brexit, which has split the country in two that a quixotic group of prominent political figures last month launched an award for civility in politics celebrating politicians who behave with courtesy and decency to one another.

Politics have gone from occasional belligerence to a default mode of aggression, worries Stewart Wood, a Labour member of the House of Lords behind the 3,000 ($3,800) prize. Its like the Wild West; there arent any rules anymore about how you engage in politics.

The prize wont change the world, he says, but we want to shine a spotlight on people who make a difference.

British politics have never attracted the faint of heart. Winston Churchill once left the House of Commons with blood streaming down his face after an opposition member had thrown the parliamentary rulebook at him, and Norman Tebbitt, one of Margaret Thatchers ministers, thought his career got a boost when a Labour leader called him a semi-housetrained polecat.

Nor is fury a stranger to Britains streets: The yearlong miners strike against pit closures in 1984-85 expressed the genuine rage felt in many communities. But when Jo Cox, a Labour MP campaigning to stay in the European Union, was murdered just before the Brexit referendum in 2016, her assassination was the first of a sitting MP since 1812 that was unrelated to Irish nationalism.

Staff from the Labour Party pay their respects outside the House of Parliament in London on June 17, 2016, to their colleague Jo Cox, the member of Parliament shot to death in northern England.

Some see the new fractious and intolerant tone of political argument in Parliament, on the streets, and online as somehow un-British: out of step with a supposed tradition of fair play and polite pragmatism. When the London-based think tank British Future carried out a values survey in 2013, the most important characteristic of being British was found to be respect for peoples right to free speech, even if you dont agree with them.

People would like to have that self-image of temperateness back, says Sunder Katwala, who runs British Future. Theres a hankering after things we share that bring us together.

Nonetheless, the country is polarized at the moment, and defiance of publicly accepted norms of expression is at a peak, says Annemarie Walter, a political analyst at Nottingham University. At the same time, she adds, the British public seems more accepting of certain types of behavior than they were in the past.

Im not a snowflake, says Lord Wood. I dont want to take the passion out of politics. Heated exchanges are good, and massive disagreement is absolutely crucial in a democracy. But the line has been blurred between political differences and personal attacks, he says. I want to redraw it, and the award is a device to draw attention to this.

A powerful catalyst for the changes that have swept through British political life is the debate over whether and how Britain should leave the European Union a debate still unresolved 3 1/2 years after voters in a referendum chose narrowly in favor of Brexit.

Brexit, which is a major theme of the current election campaign, has become much more than a question of trade relationships and has come to involve citizens sense of identity. People cleave to their position on Brexit more strongly than to their political party choice, says Anand Menon, an expert on U.K.-EU relations at Kings College London.

It has become fundamental to how we define ourselves, and just like the culture wars in the United States, people are genuinely angry, Professor Menon adds.

And they are expressing that anger in increasingly aggressive sometimes illegal fashion. Notably Anna Soubry, a former Conservative MP who supports remaining in the EU, was subjected to a lengthy torrent of abuse as she was being interviewed on live TV outside Parliament. A nearby protester repeatedly called her a Nazi and a traitor; he was later given a suspended prison sentence.

Earlier, Ms. Soubry had received death threats on Twitter and over the phone calling for her to be Jo Coxed, a reference to the murdered Labour MP.

Many MPs, especially women, have suffered such abuse, which is often sexist, racist, or obscene on social media. During the last general election campaign in 2017, senior Labour politician Diane Abbott, who is black, received almost half of the abusive tweets sent to female MPs, a report by Amnesty International found.

Ms. Abbott told Amnestys researchers that she received hundreds of racist letters a day, some illustrated with swastikas and pictures of monkeys. Its the volume of it which makes it so debilitating, so corrosive, and so upsetting, she said. And the sheer level of hatred that people are showing.

Some women MPs complained in Parliament that the warlike language pro-Brexit Prime Minister Boris Johnson was using to attack opponents, such as surrender and betrayal, risked triggering more threats against them and perhaps real violence. His dismissal of such fears as humbug caused uproar.

Fueling and facilitating the trend to incivility and worse is social media.

Alison Goldsworthy, a former campaigner for the Liberal Democrats who now heads the Depolarization Project at Stanford University, first noticed that during the Scottish referendum on independence from the United Kingdom in 2014.

We engage most strongly with things we feel strongest about, she points out, so campaigners were encouraged to take more and more hard-line positions to get that engagement. Facebook recommends that campaigners be provocative. So there is a race to the bottom.

And when campaigners succeed in stoking emotions, their supporters can express those emotions as rudely and as extremely as they like with a few anonymous and unaccountable clicks of the keyboard.

Mr. Katwala, of British Future, cautions against mistaking online arguments for real-life opinions. At the school gate or in the pub, where people chat, they are quite civil, he says. Online you only see the other sides hyperpartisans.

When British Future organized a national conversation about immigration last year, it asked participants to say on a scale of 1 to 10 whether immigration had had a positive or negative impact on the U.K. Most people who answered a pollster's questions and those in panels were somewhere in the middle. When asked the same question in an open online survey, a majority of respondents chose either the minimum or maximum score.

The highly polarized atmosphere online distorts reality, Mr. Katwala points out, but a lot of our politics is being driven by thinking that online polarization is how everyone thinks.

At the same time, there is little doubt that political tensions in Britain are particularly fierce because the two main political parties have been taken over by their more extreme members.

Most of the Conservative Partys 160,000 members are older white men, of whom a majority would rather see the U.K. pull out of the EU with no deal than any other scenario, even if that did significant damage to the economy, two polls earlier this year found.

In the Labour Party, the Momentum faction strongly supportive of leader Jeremy Corbyns unashamedly socialist platform has attracted hundreds of thousands of new party members who have radicalized Labours grassroots.

With them, complain Jewish Labour Party activists and MPs, came a wave of anti-Semitic online comments and talk at party events that went well beyond sympathy for the Palestinian cause to taint political discourse with a particularly insidious brand of incivility.

I used to get a bit of abuse 10 years ago when I spoke about Israel, says Dame Louise Ellman, who represented a Liverpool constituency in Parliament for 22 years. But it became much worse later, she says, after membership in her constituency Labour Party increased fivefold upon Mr. Corbyns election as party leader, which brought some very unpleasant views.

Dame Louise resigned from the Labour Party last month, complaining that Jewish members have been bullied, abused, and driven out of a party in which anti-Semites have felt comfortable and vile conspiracy theories have been propagated. She is not standing in the coming election.

Earlier this year another prominent Jewish MP, Luciana Berger, left the Labour Party arguing that anti-Semitism there was an expression of a tribal conviction that anyone with a different view or perspective is a deadly enemy.

Whereas it once existed only on the fringes of left or right, it now surfaces in the mainstream, and is given the soapbox and megaphone of social media, Ms. Berger wrote in the Observer weekly. It is pure poison.

Societal leaders have weighed in on behalf of civility in political life. The archbishop of Canterbury, head of the Anglican church, recently warned Mr. Johnson against inflammatory language, saying that in a time of deep uncertainty, a much smaller amount of petrol is a much more dangerous thing than it was in a time when people were secure.

And Queen Elizabeth, in her traditional Christmas message to the nation last year, said that even with the most deeply held differences, treating the other person with respect and as a fellow human being is always a good first step towards greater understanding.

Whether their injunctions will weigh more heavily than the Committee on Standards in Public Life is open to doubt. The election campaign will make politics more emotional, more intense, says Dame Louise. I suspect that personal threats and abuse wont go away very easily.

Some observers suggest that an eventual resolution of the Brexit question, one way or another, would clear the path to a more consensual and civil way of doing politics. There is a strong sentiment that if we can get over this, we can start to put things together again, says Mr. Katwala.

Others are dubious. Political entrepreneurs have seen what you can do when you mobilize identity in the way Brexit campaigners on both sides have done, says Professor Menon. There will always be people out there willing to make use of that.

Nor does he see any immediate signs that either of the two major parties will move back to the moderate center, which might have presaged a reversal of the current tendency to incivility.

Mr. Katwala believes that fewer opportunities to vote might have a calming influence. By the end of this year, the electorate will have been through three general elections, two European elections, and two referendums since 2014; that has kept the political temperature high.

Instead,Mr. Katwala would like to see more of the sort of national conversation that British Future fostered around immigration last year in 60 cities and towns. Panels of citizens sitting down around a table to talk things over face to face, which means they are concerned to be polite, hold inherently civilizing debates, he says.

It would help, suggests political scientist Annemarie Walter, if Britain had an electoral system that resulted more often in coalition governments, as in Germany or the Netherlands, which inherently have mechanisms to limit incivility.

When politicians have to work together after elections, that discourages negative campaigning, Dr. Walter says. If they are too hostile, or overstep social norms, others may refuse to work with them.

But neither of the large British parties has any interest in abandoning the first past the post system that minimizes smaller parties chances of success, and they seem unlikely to introduce any reforms to that system.

Rather, says Ms. Goldsworthy, who from her perch at the Depolarization Project is also helping to organize the civility in politics award, it takes some kind of a shock to the system to get people to change. I think we are approaching the time when that will be the only way to turn things around.

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Whether it comes from a shock or less violent cause, ultimately it will have to be a cultural change in British political life that makes people find it unacceptable to behave like that, says Lord Wood. And it is up to politicians to lead the way. It has to come from a determination among MPs to show restraint.

Otherwise, he says, when Brexit eventually dies down, I fear we will find that the aggressive way of doing politics will have become the norm.

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What turned the tone of British politics from civil to bitter? - The Christian Science Monitor

A Grip on Sports: Turkey, stuffing, basketball, gravy, football and cranberries all seem to be part of the modern Thanksgiving feast – The…

A GRIP ON SPORTS Its one of those questions well probably never be able to answer. After the first Thanksgiving, did the participants chose up sides and face off in a football game or a basketball tournament? Such things were already part of the tradition back then, werent they?

Wait, what? Neither? That doesnt seem right. Nowadays, watching a football game or a college basketball tournament seems as much a part of Thanksgiving as pumpkin pie. More even. The sports are gluten free.

Take a look at Jim Meehans preview of this seasons Battle 4 Atlantis tournament. It seems as if Gonzaga is contractually obligated to play a Thanksgiving week tournament every year. Sign your LOI, get a suitcase packed with holiday accouterments. Its a done deal. Heck, the Bahamas were ravaged by a hurricane not that long ago and still the basketball tournament goes on.

Were here to tell you it wasnt always that way.

There once was a time, obviously closer to today than the Pilgrims progress across the Atlantic, when football was the only Thanksgiving sporting activity. The NFL had a game in Detroit and then added one in Dallas on the holiday itself. Colleges got into the act and carved out a spot for rivalry games over the weekend.

Drumsticks and drum majors went together perfectly.

That was then. You log on to your local newspaper this morning and what do you see? Either the results of a holiday basketball tournament game in some exotic locale the Cougars fell in the Cayman Islands yesterday, proving that point or a preview of a coming attraction the Gonzaga women are headed to Florida for the weekend as part of the festivities.

Sure, there still is football this week. Even more so than usual. The Apple Cup seems to be coming a Black Friday tradition, the latter word describing the day of the contest, the former the Cougar fans mood following the game. There are other games all weekend, all leading up to the conference title battles next weekend.

The NFL liked Thursday games so much on the holiday, it made them a season-long tradition ruining the special nature in the process. But no worries. There will still be games to watch while the turkey burns to a crisp in the oven and Uncle Ned regales everyone with his stories from the front lines of the culture wars.

Back when pro football was young, and every rookie was naive, one of the best parts of the holiday weekend revolved around turkeys. The veterans would convince the trusting youngsters that, yes, the meat market down the street gave everyone on the team a free 20-pound bird. Just go in on Wednesday night and tell them who you are. Talk about laughs.

These days the rook would check with his agent, discover his bonus money had been invested in a turkey farm somewhere in South Dakota, and realize he didnt need to pick up his free bird at Chucks Meats. The catering company would arrive at 11 on Thursday with the meal.

Then everyone can sit down, eat, drink and watch basketball.

WSU: CJ Elleby is in a rut. All he can seem to do is score 27 points a game. Thats it. And yet its not enough as the Cougars fell again, this time to Nebraska in the Cayman Islands Classic. It could be worse. They could be playing in Newark. The Newark of Washington, according to WSU fans, is spelled M-o-n-t-l-a-k-e. And the prince of Montlake, Jimmy Lake, is their bte noire. The Cougar players? Theyre not ruffled by the trash talk of UWs defensive coordinator. How do we know? Theo Lawson asked this week. Theo also points out Washington State hasnt scored a first quarter touchdown in the Apple Cup since he was in college. Theo has his first look at the Apple Cup. Blake Mazza had a weird week. He finally misses a field goal and is rewarded with a chance to win a national award. Abe Lucas won the Pac-12s weekly award for offensive line play. Theo has stories on both of those happenings. Elsewhere in the Pac-12, what do you think the odds are the conference will see Utah squeak into the playoffs? I see two: slim and none. However, it would be good for college football if Alabama were left out. Then maybe the playoff pool would quickly expand to eight. The Apple Cup is front and center in this part of the nation, with Chris Petersen talking yesterday and questions abounding about the UW offense. With Oregon having spit the national playoff bit, the Civil War has lost a bit of luster. Oregon State didnt help matters by giving up the late lead in Pullman. If Utah loses to Colorado, we can officially declare the Pac-12 the Conference of Cannibals. USCs regular season is done. But UCLA has one more game left and it may have to play without its quarterback. California put together its best drive of the season to win against Stanford. Then Beau Baldwin explained every play. A week ago Arizona State was questioning some things. One upset later, the Sun Devils are entering the Territorial Cup on a roll. Arizona? The season cant end soon enough. In basketball news, Washington is rising in the polls. The conference favorite has a big game coming up in Las Vegas. Arizona has been helped mightily by transfer guards.

Gonzaga: The eighth-ranked Zags are once again the eighth-ranked Zags. Thats where theyve ranked all season. Jim has that story and the tournament preview, which we also linked above. The tournament is also something Jim and Larry Weir talked about for the latest Press Box pod. Jim Allen has a look at the womens team by the numbers heading into their holiday trip. Around the WCC, BYU opened in Maui by handing UCLA another loss.

EWU: The Eagles host one of the nations most consistent teams tonight. Belmont, which seems to make the NCAA Tournament every year, visits Cheney. Ryan Collingwood has more in this preview.

Seahawks: Winning in Philadelphia this season shouldnt be enough to give a team illusions of grandeur, but that seems to be the case for the Hawks. There were at least 10 reasons for the victory, five of them on Carson Wentzs right hand. Speaking of injuries, Seattle is dealing with some as the Vikings head to town. The Rams lost again last night, greasing the playoff road for the Hawks.

Mariners: We really dont have an opinion on the Ms signing minor leaguer Evan White to a long-term contract. The organization didnt have to give the prospect the money but felt it was the best thing to do. Well see. They also made a minor deal yesterday.

Lets be honest with each other. We all know were going to overeat on Thursday. There is hardly any way to avoid it, unless McDonalds is closed. Lets just make a pact to not mention it to each other and pretend it never happened. That way we will feel, if not better about it, at least less embarrassed. Until later

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A Grip on Sports: Turkey, stuffing, basketball, gravy, football and cranberries all seem to be part of the modern Thanksgiving feast - The...

The East West Health Divide in the European Union – European Public Health Alliance

by Vlad Mixich, EPHA Board Member, Romanian Health Observatory

The most influential European publication in the health policy area, POLITICO Europe, dedicated an entire panel to the East West Health Divide during their annual Health Care Summit in Amsterdam. Thats remarkable given the sensitivity of the topic for heavy political players at EU level.

Three of the biggest challenges for Eastern EU member states are partially caused by EU legislation failures or adverse effects of how the EU works (or does not work) in the health area.

Western EU countries are attracting the best physicians trained in Eastern EU countries without paying a penny for their training, which is covered by Eastern taxpayers. For example, Romania is today Europes physicians factory. Meanwhile, Romania and Poland has the lowest rate of medical practitioners, with tremendous problems in the rural areas. Solutions to compensate such a situation must be designed at EU level, without hindering the free movement of medical doctors.

The failure of current pharmaceutical legislation at EU level is today more and more obvious it creates for EU citizens living in Eastern EU countries (e.g. Bulgaria, Lithuania, Romania) recurrent problems of medicines availability caused by stock outs, pricing issues or product launch sequencing. Any solution designed at EU level to tackle shortages or pricing issues must consider root causes specific for Eastern member states.

Whether you are a German, a Dutch or a Romanian citizen, the Cross-border Directive guarantees the same rights and quality of care for all EU citizens. The EU authorities must be more active in enforcing Cross-border Directives rules. Unfortunately, more often than not, national governments are raising all kind of bureaucratic barriers which make patients life difficult and violates their rights as EU citizens.

All these three topics have maximum relevance for any Eastern European citizen. I hope that MEPs from relevant commissions (and not only) will pay attention to them and will work to find good solutions. My Europe is not concerned only with highly incomprehensible bureacratic details, but takes care of each EU citizen, regardless their place of birth and even more when its about their health. Thats the Europe I love, respect and support.

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The East West Health Divide in the European Union - European Public Health Alliance

Is the legislative expansion of the European Union grinding to a halt? – EUROPP – European Politics and Policy

The amount of legislation a political system produces is an important indicator of its performance. Yet as Dimiter Toshkov explains, when it comes to the adoption of new legislation, the last European Parliament and Commission were among the least productive in recent history. He argues that a less political and more pragmatic Commission may be more successful in finding the scope for new agreements.

As November is drawing to a close, the new European Commission is still waiting for the approval of the new European Parliament (EP) to start its work. This prolonged interregnum provides a good opportunity to look back and assess the record of the previous 8th EP, which held its last session in April 2019, and the outgoing Commission led by Jean-Claude Juncker, which entered office more than five years ago in November 2014.

One important indicator of the performance of any political system is its legislative output, or the amount of legislative acts it adopts over time. A focus on legislative output is especially relevant since the EU has no big army or large budget to exercise its influence, and must instead rely on the force of its laws and regulations. Hence, by looking at legislative output we can examine the health and prospects of the EU integration project more generally.

On this metric, the 8th EP and the Juncker Commission do not fare very well. In fact, the numbers show that these have been some of the least productive EPs and Commissions in recent history, ever since the introduction of co-decision in 1993 with the Treaty of Maastricht.

Declining EU legislative output

Let us first take a look at the number of directives adopted between 2004 and 2019. In the past, directives embodied most of the truly important legislative acts of the EU. Many of the EU laws that you might have heard about the Services directive, the Non-discrimination directive, the NATURA 2000 directive are, well, directives in the specific sense of a type of EU legal act. As we can clearly see from the figure below, there has been a significant drop in the number of directives adopted by the EP and/or the Council. The drop had started already in 2009, but it is especially pronounced between 2014 and 2019 during the term of the 8th EP. The total number of directives adopted by the EP and the Council during the 6th EP term is 175, which drops to 161 during the 7th EP term, and to 97 for the 8th EP term.

Part of the decline in the number of adopted directives can be explained by a switch to regulations as a favoured legal form for important new legislation. For example, the notorious General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) one of the few recent EU legal acts you might have head of is, as the name indicates, a regulation rather than a directive. This is an important shift, because directives provide the EU member states with more flexibility about how exactly to implement the EU rules.

But the shift from directives to regulations is not enough to account for the overall drop in legislative productivity. When we look at regulations (below), we also see a drop. The total number of regulations adopted by the Council and/or the EP in the period 2004-2009 is 852, which falls to 694 in the period 2014-2019 (the drop is due mostly to the decrease in the number of regulations adopted by the Council alone).

The pattern is more complex when it comes to decisions, which comprise a very diverse set of legal instruments under the same label some have general applicability and others have a specific addressee, many are limited in their duration, and a large part concern matters of rather narrow interest, such as the appointment of heads of EU agencies and the like.

The figure below shows two diverging developments: the number of Council-only decisions increases significantly (from 1,173 to 1,546 to 1,805 over the past three EP terms), but the number of decisions adopted with the involvement of the EP decreases (from 163 in the period 2009-2014 to 115 in the period 2014-2019).

All in all, the 8th EP has completed the adoption of 493 legal acts, a significant 23% decline from the 637 adopted by the 7th EP. This makes for less than two acts per plenary sitting1 and for less than one legal act per MEP over a period of five years! Of course, passing legislation is not all the EP does: it also adopts resolutions, negotiates the budget, asks written and oral questions (a total of 46,496 during its last term), and more. Still, legislatingremains the most important task of alegislature, and the last EP has not done a lot of that.

It is especially striking that in the past five years the EP has adopted only 59 new, rather than amending, directives and regulations (for 2009-2014, the number is 95). A new legal act indicates that the EU is legislating in a new area, while amending legislation only modifies rules in areas where the EU already has established its presence. In other words, the vast majority of legislative activity in the past five years has gone into maintaining and updating existing legislation rather than expanding the reach of the EU into new areas and issues.

In sum, the directive is almost disappearing from the legislative output of the EU, the numbers of regulations and EP decisions are also down, and there have been very few new, rather than amending, legal acts adopted over the past five years.

The perils of a more political Commission

The important question is, of course, why. There are multiple possible answers, and none that are fully satisfactory. First, the Juncker Commission focused its activities on ten priority areas, not all of which required legislative action. Second, the decline in legislative output can be related to the Better Regulation programme of the European Commission, which aims to reduce the regulatory burden and simplify legislation. However, the number of legislative proposals that have been scrapped as a direct result of the programme is very small, and even these might have been blocked for political reasons before being abandoned in the name of better regulation. Moreover, regulatory simplification often demands legislative action in order to amend existing acts or adopt new legislation. And some critics see the Better Regulation initiative as a justification for the EUs failure to maintain and expand its regulatory reach rather than the reason for its declining legislative productivity.

It is unlikely that falling legislative productivity is a direct result of the Eastern enlargement of the EU: the decline is more recent and there is no systematic data that member states from Eastern Europe have been the ones putting the brakes on the EU legislative process. But increasing diversity of preferences and interests in the EU between countries, but also between political parties and electorates certainly plays some role in accounting for the decline in legislative output.

The 8th EP featured more Eurosceptic, nationalist and populist parties and MEPs than before, though not in numbers that could have blocked, on their own, a large share of the EUs legislative activities. Yet, in combination with the increasing presence of Eurosceptic, nationalist and populist parties in government at the national level (and by extension in the Council of Ministers in Brussels), they do limit the range and scope of new laws that can gain approval in the complex decision-making procedures of the EU.

Yet, diversity of preferences and interests is not sufficient to explain the decline in legislative productivity, especially when we consider it next to the increasing number of legislative proposals made by the European Commission that failed to get approval.2 The combination of falling legislative output and a higher share of failed proposals hints at another reason for the decline in legislative output: the politicisation of the Commission.

During the past five years, the Juncker Commission has not shied away from political conflicts with some member states, most notably in the field of migration. The Commission deliberately pushed proposals forward in the presence of strong, vocal and committed opposition in order to make political points, by exposing certain member states, such as Hungary, for the views that they hold. No matter whether we consider this to be a good political strategy from the Commission, it is certainly not a very good way of getting things done.

In other cases, the Commission seems to have lost its ability to anticipate the reactions of the member states and the strength of their resistance. Instead of going for minimal changes to the status quo that would have been feasible and made small but tangible progress, it has overplayed its hand by pushing for more radical changes that never made it into law (at least within the limits of its term). The mobility (road transport) package that is still stuck in the EP or the failed regulation of lobbying activities at the EU institutions are two cases in point. The lack of anticipation, adjustment and lost political capital in fruitless negotiations all contribute to the rising share of failed legislative proposals. Ultimately, the declining legislative productivity of the EU can be seen as a result of the more political Commission that Jean-Claude Juncker promoted.

What does the future hold for the legislative output of the EU? The new, 9th EP will have to accommodate an even larger number of Eurosceptic members, though in absolute terms they are still not numerous enough to block the legislative process in the EP. But they, and Eurosceptic ministers sitting in the Council, do limit what it is possible to achieve and the areas where European integration can move forward. At the same time, there is urgent action needed in many policy areas from asylum and climate to transport and welfare. A less political and more pragmatic Commission might be more successful in finding the scope for new agreements. Instead of antagonising member states with bold but ultimately doomed policy initiatives, the Commission might focus on what it used to do best: finding common ground in the face of diverse interests to push European integration slowly and gradually, but forward nonetheless.

Further information and access to the data used in this article can be found here

Please read our comments policy before commenting.

Note: This article gives the views of theauthor, not the position of EUROPP European Politics and Policy or the London School of Economics. Featured image credit:CC BY 4.0: European Union 2019 Source: EP

_________________________________

About the author

Dimiter Toshkov Leiden UniversityDimiter Toshkov is Associate Professor at the Institute of Public Administration, Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs, Leiden University, The Netherlands. He is on Twitter @DToshkov

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Is the legislative expansion of the European Union grinding to a halt? - EUROPP - European Politics and Policy

France and Germany propose EU overhaul after Brexit upheaval – Reuters

BRUSSELS (Reuters) - France and Germany put aside bilateral tensions on Tuesday to call for an overhaul of the EU, which has been buffeted over the past decade by a euro zone debt crisis, an influx of migrants and refugees, rising eurosceptic populism and Brexit.

FILE PHOTO: French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel attend a news conference following a joint Franco-German cabinet meeting in Toulouse, France, October 16, 2019. REUTERS/Regis Duvignau/File Photo

Some European Union leaders fear that regional and political rifts could tear apart a project they credit with keeping peace and prosperity on the continent, including in eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet bloc.

Paris and Berlin, long seen as the axis of the continents post-World War Two unification process, said a Conference on the Future of Europe was necessary to make the EU more united and sovereign across a range of challenges.

These include Europes role in the world and its security, they said in a document that comes amid growing concern that Europe is ill-equipped to deal with new security and economic challenges, especially from a rising China.

Earlier this month, French President Emmanuel Macron described the NATO transatlantic military alliance as brain dead, urging Europe to bolster its capacity to act because it cannot rely eternally on an unpredictable United States.

The two-page Franco-German paper said other areas where Europe needed to be more united included its near neighbors, digitalization, climate change, migration, the fight against inequality, the social market economy and the rule of law.

It said a reflection lasting more than two years should consider reforms that would, among other aims, promote democracy and the functioning of a bloc that will group 27 countries after Britains expected departure on Jan. 31.

Many EU citizens feel their voices are not heard in Brussels and have little trust in its institutions, sentiments that drove Britains 2016 referendum vote to leave the bloc.

The EUs two heavyweights said citizens would need to be closely involved in the reflection on Europes future through a bottom-up process of consultations.

They said recommendations agreed at a closing conference in the first half of 2022 should be presented to the European Council of member states leaders for debate and implementation.

Diplomats said the document sent a message, ahead of an EU summit on Dec. 12-13, that member states must be closely involved in reflections on Europes future amid institutional jockeying for a leading role.

A new European Commission, the EUs executive, which starts its five-year mandate on Dec. 1, has already proposed a 2020-2022 conference.

Manfred Weber, leader of the center-right European Peoples Party in the European Parliament, said in an opinion column on Tuesday that it is the role of an assembly directly elected by European citizens to fight for a more democratic Europe.

There are many in Brussels and other European capitals who prefer to make decisions through quick backroom deals, in which the direct choice of the voters becomes victim to personal power games, the German EU lawmaker wrote on Politico.

Many in the blocs assembly were furious when EU leaders, horse-trading over top posts at a July summit, brushed aside the so-called Spitzenkandidaten, the main parliamentary groups candidates for the post of European Commission president.

France and Germany have been at loggerheads over the past year as Macrons ambitious plans for reform have often run into resistance from the more cautious Chancellor Angela Merkel.

Berlin was irked last month that Macron blocked the opening of EU membership talks with North Macedonia and Albania, and Merkel described Macrons brain death comments on NATO as drastic words.

The idea behind the joint proposal on the future of Europe was to show that Franco-German cooperation was not itself brain dead, a French diplomatic source said.

Additional reporting by Michel Rose in Paris ansd Jonas Ekblom in Brussels; Editing by Giles Elgood

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France and Germany propose EU overhaul after Brexit upheaval - Reuters