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In the ongoing meme war between conservatives and liberals, Twitter has become a frequent battleground. But the dismantling of a Confederate statue by a group of protesters on Monday in Durham, North Carolina, has kicked off a back and forth thats become all too familiar of late: a tweet full of conservative outrage being immediately hijacked by bemused liberals and progressives who then transform it into an expression of sheer absurdity.

In this instance, the catalyst was a tweet by actor James Woods, who saw the toppling of a racist statue as tantamount to the toppling of democracy itself:

Its mix of exaggerated patriotism and hand-wringing, along with the oddly hashtagged #liberals, made Woodss tweet prime joke fodder. And many of the responses quickly entered the realm of absurdity:

Such a response quickly became so routine that some people didnt even bother to paste the whole text of the meme:

The ever-expanding collection of statues thatve been referenced in the meme is truly, delightfully bizarre, with works ranging from the weird to the much weirder to the perverse to the hideous to the provocative to the completely WTF. If nothing else, the meme is a fun reminder of how versatile art can be.

But it also has a lot in common with other recent Twitter memes, like the Future that liberals want meme or the nothing but respect for MY president meme. Both of those earlier memes also originated from a single tweet that went viral more for its exaggerated outrage than for people supportively retweeting its contents.

And both of them, like this new statue meme, generated reactions in a specific format: the copying and pasting of the original text alongside immediately ridiculous and over-the-top images meant to reflect that exaggerated outrage.

There are plenty of Twitter memes that function around recontextualizing quotes for example, the progressive "she persisted" meme. But the theme that characterizes this particular meme trend seems to be the equating of conservative outrage with complete and utter absurdity. The more sober the original tweet is, the more hilariously unlikely its corresponding memeification is likely to be.

The future that liberals want meme might as well have been a template for this structure: You start with sincere outrage with the future that liberals want, it was a dismissive quip about a photo of a drag queen sitting next to a woman in a niqab on the New York subway and end up with dramatically manufactured outrage over, for example, an apple holding a sea trident. Thats exactly what were seeing with the statue meme, where Woodss suggestion that the removal of Confederate statues throughout the US will inevitably lead to the destruction of a famous memorial honoring Marines has spawned absurd celebrations of all the ridiculous statues, monuments, marketing gimmicks, art installations, and temporary structures that maybe need a good dismantling.

Given that the current political climate seems to make joking about sincerely held views the order of the day, dont expect the trend to fade anytime soon.

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Before the #liberals is the latest entry in Twitter's evolving absurdist meme trend - Vox

Szilrd Nmeth, a prominent parliamentarian affiliated with Hungarys ruling Fidesz party, knows who is to blame for the violence in Charlottesville, Virginia during a rally by neo-Nazis and members of the Ku Klux Klan. In keeping with the politics of the Hungarian regime, Mr. Nmeth points the finger at liberal fascists, who bear full responsibility for the fatal events in this Virginia college town.

He wrote on Facebook:

Liberal fascism leads to this. It is to the detriment of the quiet, peaceful and normal majority when the possessed people of the far left, the ultra-liberal and the far right cooperate or at times battle with each other.

Mr. Nmeth then went on to commend President Donald Trumps initial statements, in which he relativized the overt racial hatred of the of neo-Nazis, who no longer even bothered to hide their identity out of any sense of shame. They spewed racial hatred on the streets of this town and confidently identified with this, not worrying about professional or personal repercussions. Once again, the presidents understanding of the situation is remarkably precise and one can only agree with his position, gushed Mr. Nmeth.

Szilrd Nmeth

Of course, after two days, Mr. Trump was pressured into unequivocally condemning the neo-Nazis. Most in the Republican party would not have found it so difficult to condemn neo-Nazism as the American president and his Hungarian supporters seem to have. In Hungary, condemning Nazism and racism will often turn you into an anti-Hungarian traitor, but not in the U.S., where there are still a handful of elderly veterans who fought in Europe during World War II. For instance, Republican Orrin Hatch from Utah had this to say:

We should call evil by its name. My brother didnt give his life fighting Hitler for Nazi ideas to go unchallenged here at home

He then added about the mainly young men who marched in Charlottesville with tiki torches that are more commonly and more innocuously used in the backyards of American households duringsummer barbecues:

Their tiki torches may be fueled by citronella but their ideas are fueled by hate, & have no place in civil society.

Its unfortunate to note that in contrast to the Republican party, where one will still find dissenting voices on any number of issues (including health care, immigration or an issue such as this), Fidesz is comprised only of yes men who nod and vote as demanded of them by the Prime Ministers office. They are fully servile, always unthinking and at most express any misgivings in private. What should give some solace to those who worry about the state of liberal democracy in the U.S. is that dissenting voices in the party currently in power are still heard and there are still many with a sense of civic courage. And what should concern those who have long spoken out about Hungarys descent into authoritarian rule is that there are still so many in the West who are sufficiently blind and ill informed to see in Hungarys current government a partner in dialogue.

Originally posted here:
Charlottesville A Hungarian government politician blames the liberals - Hungarian Free Press

Washington Times

Liberals faulted for the 'stinging' failure of identity politics Washington Times Arriving Tuesday: The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics by Mark Lilla, a Columbia University humanities professor and, yes, a liberal Democrat. The 160-page book is a tough-minded, and stinging look at the failure of American ...

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Liberals faulted for the 'stinging' failure of identity politics - Washington Times

Catherine Rampell, Washington Post Writers Group

Photo: Mayra Beltran /Houston Chronicle

Liberals should look to all tools to help the poor

Extracting more money from evil, exploitative capitalists has become a rallying cry for much of the grass-roots left. In the meantime, though, its largely ignoring other important policies for lifting Americans out of poverty.

In a recent column, I urged progressives to more seriously grapple with the cumulative effects of policies that make workers more expensive to hire. More than doubling the federal minimum wage to $15, for example, would risk pricing a lot of people out of work. Especially in low-cost-of-living areas such as Mississippi, where half of all jobs pay less than $14.22.

In other words, well-intended, feel-good policies can sometimes backfire, hurting the people youre trying to help.

This humble suggestion generated a lot (like, a lot) of hate mail, along with a good follow-up question: What, then, should progressives who want to help the working poor devote their energy to?

Regarding the minimum wage, there are useful tools available to help set pay according to local costs of living. MITs Living Wage Calculator is used by some public officials and companies to determine reasonable wage floors.

More important, lots of the other anti-poverty tools deserve more love from the left in particular what might be called post-tax policies.

Pre-tax policies such as the minimum wage, overtime and fringe-benefit requirements help increase workers paychecks, with employers (and sometimes workers themselves) generally footing the bill.

Post-tax policies, by contrast, involve redistribution of income and wealth through the tax code and social safety net. Think: the earned-income tax credit (EITC), food stamps, housing vouchers, health insurance subsidies. They are about boosting living standards on the back-end, with the taxpayers paying. Relative to other rich countries, the United States relies very little on these post-tax tools.

If you look at Americas income inequality before taxes and transfers, its not great but its still about on par with France, Germany and Finland. If you look at income distribution after taking into account tax and transfer payments, we suddenly become the second-most-unequal developed economy in the world, behind Mexico.

There have been quiet efforts to expand some of these post-tax anti-poverty policies. This year alone, EITCs have been added or expanded in six states, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. But all these changes were done legislatively, rather than through well-advertised ballot initiatives. They get much less press coverage and popular organizing relative to, say, the Fight for 15.

At a conference last fall, I asked Jason Furman, then chair of President Barack Obamas Council of Economic Advisers, about the countrys reliance on pre-tax vs. post-tax measures to help boost economic security. He said he favored using both kinds of tools (as do I). But he also noted a remarkable disparity in progressive enthusiasm for the two approaches, especially relative to payoffs.

During Obamas tenure, the White House oversaw an expansion of overtime protections that was expected to put an extra $1.2 billion into workers pockets. It also helped pass tax-code changes that put an additional $28 billion in the pockets of low- and moderate-income families. Guess which inspired more attaboys?

Whatever the reason, the dearth of excitement for these post-tax policies is a strategic mistake. Programs such as the EITC and food stamps, if well-designed, complement the minimum wage. They can do things that the minimum wage cant, such as grow more generous for larger families. Critically, they also dont raise the cost of employees, which means the well-heeled business lobby is less likely to fight them.

Post-tax policies can distort labor markets too, of course especially if they result in benefit cliffs that discourage people from working more. Thats where smart design comes into play.

But every policy has limitations, which is why those on the left would do well to consider every tool at their disposal. Bleeding hearts are often helped by hard heads.

crampell@washpost.com

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Liberals should look to all tools to help the poor - San Antonio ... - mySanAntonio.com

Doug Jones, a former federal prosecutor running for the Democratic nomination in Tuesdays special election primary for U.S. Senate in Alabama, sounds confident he can win in a state that hasnt sent a Democrat to the Senate in over two decades.

The Trump administration has not only galvanized a lot of people out there who are truly opposed to a lot of [his] policies, but its also caused a lot of hesitation and second guessing on the part of a number of people who say, we just really need that backstop, we need the checks and balances, Jones said in an interview. Thats what were seeing.

What Happens When Trump Endorses the Candidate of the Hated Establishment?

Tuesdays primaries will decide which Republican and Democratic candidates face off in Decembers general election to fill the seat vacated by Attorney General Jeff Sessions. If no candidate earns a majority of the vote, the top two vote getters advance to a run-off in September.

Although a majority of Americans disapprove of the president nationwide, in Alabama, the opposite is true. A majority approve of the job Trump is doing. Thats why Republican candidate former Alabama Attorney General Luther Strange, who was temporarily appointed to fill the open Senate seat, U.S. Representative Mo Brooks, and former Alabama Chief Justice Roy Moore are trying to one-up each other in proving who is more loyal to the president.

Trumps enduring popularity in the state makes it unlikely that a critical mass of Republicans will peel away from their party to vote for a Democrat in Decembers general election. Thats part of the reason the Alabama Democratic primary has received far less national attention than other races for seats vacated by lawmakers who went on to serve in the Trump administration. Still, special election outcomes are hard to predict, and its not out of the question that the Trump administration could energize Alabama Democrats.

I think its going to be a very interesting test of how deep the Trump opposition runs, said Richard Fording, a political science professor at the University of Alabama. I have to think that the general election will be a low turnout election, and although Republicans outnumber Democrats by about 2-1 in this state, I would guess that Democratic voters are about twice as motivated to vote in this election as the Republicans to protest the Trump presidency. We could see something like we saw in Georgiaa closer than expected result but Republicans winning in the end.

Tuesdays special election primary offers a window into the messages Democrats are testing out in the hopes of gaining ground in a deep red state, even if winning outright isnt an expected outcome.

Jones, who is known for prosecuting members of the Ku Klux Klan for the 1963 bombing of a black baptist church in Birmingham, is viewed as the Democratic front-runner. Thats in part due to institutional advantages like a string of high-profile endorsements from former Vice President Joe Biden, Democratic Representative and civil rights icon John Lewis, and Alabamas only Democratic Representative Terri Sewell. An Emerson College poll earlier this month showed Jones leading in the Democratic primary field with 40 percent of the vote.

In an interview, Jones resisted questions as to whether he considers himself to be liberal, moderate, or conservative. I dont engage in that. I think those labels are completely meaningless these days, he said, telling me he wants to focus on kitchen table issues like healthcare, jobs, and the economy.

His campaign website calls for a living wage, without specifying what the minimum wage should be, and supporting the growth of small and mid-sized business in part by streamlining regulations,a pitch that might appeal to a conservative crowd. He added during the interview, however, that we have got to have more dialogues in this country about race, saying that what happened in Charlottesville [Virginia] has to be a wakeup call for people of conscience, for people to understand we cannot let white supremacy continue to divide us.

The few public polls conducted in the special election show a Democratic candidate named Robert Kennedy Jr. running either in second place to Jones or beating him. AL.com reported that Alabama Democrats were unfamiliar with Kennedy when he entered the race. And despite having no relation to the famous political family, the candidate may be benefitting in polling from the name ID all the same. The Kennedy campaign did not respond to requests for an interview. His website tagline describes him as a former Naval officer and a fiscally responsible Democrat who leads with FAITH.

A handful of other Democratic candidates will compete in Tuesdays primary, despite not having gained much traction in public polls, including Will Boyd, who unsuccessfully challenged Mo Brooks for his House seat in 2016, and Michael Hansen, a candidate who describes himself as a progressive Democrat.

Hansen, who is running as an openly gay candidate, argued in an interview that if Democrats want to regain a foothold in Alabama, the party should stop running to the political center, and not be afraid to support liberal agenda items like universal healthcare and a $15 dollar minimum wage, both of which he backs in his campaign.

I think if we had the guts as progressives to take a stand and talk about Medicare-for-All and how it would improve the system, then we would move the needle quickly, Hansen said. He was unsparing in his assessment of how weak the Democratic Party is in the state. Ill put it this way: Democrats in Alabama are losing badly across the board.

But Hansen worries that Alabama Democrats won't embrace a progressive agenda out of fear they'll face criticism in the red state. He added that he's been surprised at the resistance to his candidacy from the state's established Democratic political network.

"Politics is a lot dirtier than I thought," Hansen said, claiming that he faced pressure from political allies of Doug Jones to drop out of the race. "I like Doug quite a bit, and I think this was without his knowledge," Hansen said, but he added "there was this narrative that it wasn't my turn, and I need to wait my turn." When I asked if he believes the state Democratic Party has remained neutral, Hansen said: "I'll bite my tongue."

For his part, Jones told me weve certainly not been pushing back, against other Democratic candidates in the race. Nancy Worley, the chair of the state Democratic Party, told me that the state party has gone out of its way to be neutral in this primary, adding that shes taken a world of flack, quite frankly, as the chair for not endorsing a candidate.

Still, the accusations hint at the kind of tensions that Democrats across the country are confronting as different factions within the party compete to push their agenda to the front-and-center of national politics.

The Democratic candidate that prevails in the primary could help set the tone for future candidates running on the party ticket in the state. If the general election ends up as a competitive race, that alone would be a remarkable achievement for a party that has long been sidelined in Alabama.

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Alabama Special Election: Democrats Face Off in Primary - The ... - The Atlantic