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An increasing number of women in Iran are getting on their bicyclesto protestagainst afatwabanning them fromcycling in public.

HardlineIranian leaders believe women on bikes are a threat to morality and arestrictly forbidden as a means of public transport.

Women must also be completely veiled, even in the height of summer, when playing sport or driving.

But a counter-movement, propelled by social media, has emerged over the last year. In a country of record-high air pollution and traffic congestion, more and more women are cycling.

Following a popular measure called car-free Tuesdays that started in the city of Arak two years ago, women spotted an opportunity to cyclein the name of the environment.

But the movement was cut short when a group of women cyclists were arrested in Marivan in Western Iran. They were released the same day after they signed documents, pledging not to cycle again despite no law against it.

There were then a flurry of press declaring women could cycle as long as they pertained to religious customs and the dress code.

But in September, Irans supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, issued a fatwa that women were not allowed to cycle in public.

Women subsequentlyposted pictures of themselves on bikes on social media with the hashtag #IranianWomenLoveCycling.

A mother and daughter filmed themselves cycling on the island of Kish, alongside postsexplaininghow they immediately rented two bicycles after the fatwa.

Cycling is part of our lives. We were here when we heard Khameneis fatwa banning women from cycling, they said.

Another woman posted a video and said she was proud to resist the oppression.

As I believe those who oppress us are wrong, she wrote. Biking for women is not a taboo. And no one can tell me it is.

Despite the fatwa, an increasing number of women cycle through the hilly and traffic-clogged city of Tehran.

Agroup of cyclists, including women, alsogather outside the TehranAzadistadium on Friday mornings to race onthe cycling track,The Guardianreported.

Nanaz, a 30-year-old lawyer, told the paper that she cycles up to 80 km per day.

"As long as [the moderate Hassan] Rouhani is our president, we will be able to do it. My great ambition is to take part in the Olympics," she said.

The Iranian Cycling Federation does not have even 100 members, yet male Iranian cyclists have won competitions across Asia.

Cycling used to be more common.

During the first half of the 20th century, when cars were an expensive import, many residents used their bikes. In 2017, Tehran'snew bike-sharing system has reportedly had little uptake and the 2016 plan for 120 bike stations around the cityhas yet to beimplemented.

Even in the bike-friendly city of Isfahan, with cycle paths, a rental bike scheme and encouragement fromauthorities, women are still not allowed to use them.

It is unclear how longthe fatwa will continue, butFariba, a 36-year-old accountant, told The Guardian she was excited to cycle.

"And yes, I cycle through Tehran, no problem. I am not afraid of the police."

Continued here:
Iranian women get on their bikes to defy cycling fatwa - The Independent

A soldier aims an automatic rifle through a peephole in a wall at Raqqa, Syria, on June 11, 2017.(Photo: Youssef Rabie Youssef, European Pressphoto Agency)

WASHINGTON New efforts by Iranian-backed militias to control supply lines in southern Syria highlight an alarming trend in the war-torn region: Militias and their foreign backers are accelerating their rivalry for power as the U.S.-led coalition shrinks the Islamic States territory.

You can see everyone maneuvering frenetically, said Michael Knights, an analyst at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

The problem surfaced in recent weeks when Iranian-backed militias maneuvered close to a U.S. outpost in southern Syria. The outpost at al-Tanf is a base for several hundred coalition advisers and the local forces they are supporting.

Last week, U.S.-led coalition aircraft struck the militias for a third time to warn them away from U.S. forces. An American warplane also shot down an Iranian-built armed drone operating in the same area after it fired at U.S. advisers and their partner forces.

Analysts say the primary objective of the Iranian forces is not to threatenU.S. forces. Instead, the militias are defending Irans supply routes to Lebanon that go through Iraq and southern Syria.

The Islamic State, or ISIS, "was always destined to be defeated, and now the U.S. and its allies have to contend with an emboldened, belligerent, and more powerful Iran, which has cultivated more proxies than ever, saidAli Khedery, a former special assistant to five U.S. ambassadors in Iraq.

The Pentagon sees the Iranian-backed militias as a potentialdistraction from the fight against ISIS.

The coalition calls on all parties in southern Syria to focus their efforts on the defeat of ISIS, which is our common enemy and the greatest threat to the region and the rest of the world, said Col. Ryan Dillon, a Pentagon spokesman.

Analysts say the array of militias and foreign powers in the region have differing objectives, which are coming to the forefront as ISIS is pushed out of its strongholds in Iraq and Syria, leaving a power vacuum.

For countriessuch as Iran and Russia, defeating ISISwas never themain objective. Both countries are the principle backers of Syrian President Bashar Assad.

Turkey, a NATO member, has supported opponents of Assadbut mistrusts the Syrian Kurds, who are backed by the United States and are among the most effective fighters against ISIS.

ISIS is almost an afterthought, Knights said. Theyre a speed bump.

Other developments suggest that rival powers are positioning themselves for the defeat of ISIS. In Iraq, powerful Shiite militias, some supported by Iran, have moved close to the Syrian border, raising concerns about their objectives.

The militias, called popular mobilization forces, have helped Iraqs military cut ISIS supplylines during an offensive in Mosul. With ISIS nearly defeated in that key city, some analysts fear the Shiite militias now want to spread their influence by trying to control Iraq's border with Syria.

I dont want the popular mobilization forces to be part of any regional political game. But it looks like they are, said Ismael Alsodani, a retired Iraqi brigadier general who served as a military attach in Washington.

The maneuvering has intensified as ISIS' grip on territory has diminished since the militant groupswept into Syria and Iraq three years ago.

U.S.-backed Iraqi security forces are close to clearing militants from Mosul, the countrys second-largest city. In Syria, the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces have launched an offensive in Raqqa, the Islamic States de facto capital.

Nearly three years of bombing has devastated ISIS'leadership and destroyed much of the militant group's weapons and equipment.

Everyone knew ISIS would be defeated, said Lukman Faily, a former Iraqi ambassador to the United States. We see now that many of the powers in the region, and locally, are trying to strengthen their position for when ISIS is gone.

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Iran attempts to expand control through Syria as ISIS nears defeat - USA TODAY

"This is one of those areas, in a very tumultuous political climate here in the Senate, where we are able to find strong, united agreement that we need to move forward," Banking Chairman Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) said. | Getty

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell on Tuesday teed up a final vote as soon as this week on a bipartisan Iran sanctions bill that is also set to include a bipartisan agreement to boost penalties against the Russian government and make it more difficult for President Donald Trump to lift them.

McConnell moved to wind down debate on the Iran sanctions bill, which counts 58 cosponsors in both parties, with a key procedural vote expected Thursday. The first step in the legislation's path to passage will come Wednesday, when senators are expected to clear a bipartisan agreement that boosts sanctions against Moscow and requires Trump to seek congressional approval of any future decision to ease or eliminate punitive measures against Russia.

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"This is one of those areas, in a very tumultuous political climate here in the Senate, where we are able to find strong, united agreement that we need to move forward," Banking Chairman Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), a lead negotiator on the Russia sanctions deal, told reporters Tuesday.

Even as Democrats push back hard at the GOP's closed-door work on an Obamacare repeal bill, they are preparing to support a Russia sanctions agreement that Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) pushed to make as stringent as possible.

The Russia deal shows that "Democrats and Republicans are joining together to warn the president he cannot lift sanctions without our approval," Schumer told reporters Tuesday. "I hope it will pass with a strong bipartisan vote. Thats what I expect will happen."

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Russia-Iran sanctions bill heads toward vote with bipartisan backing - Politico

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif speaks to the media in Tblisi, Georgia, April 18, 2017.(photo byREUTERS/David Mdzinarishvili)

Author:Hassan Ahmadian Posted June 13, 2017

On June 5, Saudi Arabia along with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt severed diplomatic and trade relations with Qatar, effectively imposing a siege on Doha. Besides the many discussions surrounding its causes, the apparently Saudi-led move against Qatar has sparked debate in Tehran on Irans policy toward the rift and the consequences it might bring about. Officially, Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif was quick to respond, tweeting on June 5, Neighbors are permanent; geography cant be changed. Coercion is never the solution. Dialogue is imperative, especially during blessed Ramadan. Meanwhile, Hamid Aboutalebi, the presidents deputy chief of staff for political affairs, tweeted that severingrelations is not the right way out of crises. Foreign Ministry spokesman Bahram Ghassemi said differences among Irans neighbors threaten the interests of all states of the region and urged them to overcome differences through dialogue.

As such, Tehran chose to criticize the Saudi-led approach toward Doha by stressing the need for dialogue instead of confrontation. But does Iran really want the rift mainly within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to be overcome?

For over a decade, Iran-Saudi relations have seen many ups and downs, leading to Riyadh'ssevering ties with Tehran in January 2016, following the storming of Saudi diplomatic facilities in Iran after the execution of a prominent Saudi dissident Shiite cleric. King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud has prioritized isolating Iran, abandoning the preference of his predecessor, King Abdullah, to simultaneously contain both Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood. Thus, outright animosity has replaced rivalry in the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

WhilePresident Hassan Rouhani's administrationhas kept insisting on the need for dialogue to ease tension, Saudi Arabia has emphasized the need for Iran'srevision of its regional policies. In prioritizing the containment of Iran, Riyadh has struggled to keep Qatar and Turkey, the main supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, onboard. This shaky coalition, which included anti- and pro-Brotherhood nations in the region, clearly could not withstand mounting differences. While understandable in 2014, amid Abdullahs anti-Brotherhood policy, the present cutting of ties with Qatar as part of Salmans "counter-Iran-first" policy lacks a realist dimension.

With Riyadh casting Qatar away, Tehran should be thrilled about the loss of Saudi Arabias regional concentration on countering Iran. Thus, why is it calling for dialogue instead of supporting Qatar? Four possible motivations may be at play.

First, there are indications of an ongoing Qatari-Saudi escalation Iran cannot live with an all-out confrontation in the Persian Gulf region. Indeed, continued escalation can harm Irans national security both in terms of spreading instabilityand the invitation of more foreign troops into the region. Iran needs neither of the aforementioned, especially under US President Donald Trump.

Second, Iran knows that it cannot replace Saudi Arabias role and influence in the region with that of Qatar. The endgame for Iran cannot be a Persian Gulf divided into pro- and anti-Iran nations. While a divided rather than unified GCC with an anti-Iran posture is certainly preferred, this cannot be the endgame, since it means a continued regional disequilibrium on the one hand and more open space for foreign forces and arms shipments into the region on the other. Therefore, a compromise is needed. By calling for dialogue, Tehran is trying to prove the vanity of Saudi attempts to forge an anti-Iran consensus.

Third, Iran doesnt want to risk being portrayed as a power capitalizing on regional tension and instability. Saudi Arabia has been trying successfully to some extent to spread a tension-inclined image of Iran in the region. Taking sides in the Saudi-Qatari split would help consolidate that image.

Fourth, Iran is benefiting from the differences among GCC member states without having to interfere and take sides in their current dispute. Previous experiences tell Iranian decision-makers that taking sides could complicate things and turn out to be counterproductive. Thereupon come Irans calls for dialogue to ease tensions.

But is Irans official stance serving the Islamic Republic the way it is meant?

For all of its meanings, Irans pro-dialogue policy might appear as appeasing Saudi Arabia at a time when Riyadh prioritizes Iran as its main threat. This author has argued before that by avoiding any tension with Saudi Arabia, Iran may be inviting Saudi escalation against both Tehran and its allieswhile at the same timetying its own hands in terms of its responses. Maintaining its current cautious stance might not serve Irans interests in the long run, especially if the intra-GCC gap and confrontation expands.

Irans logical choice at this point is to tilt towardQatar. Foreign Minister Zarif has made this posture clear through his telephone diplomacy with many of his regional counterparts including the Qatari foreign minister and his recent visit to Turkey. The question now is if Irans decision to cautiously stand with Doha will serve Irans interests in the region. There are four reasons why Irans posture makes sense.

First, a rift among the pro- and anti-Brotherhood camps in the region is strategically in Irans favor. Saudi Arabia tried to avoid such a split by prioritizing Iran as the main threat. Yethaving Qatar and Turkey versus the UAE and Egypt in the same boat turned out to be overly problematic for Riyadh. In that sense, the Saudi move against Qatar is thoroughly counterproductive for its anti-Iran campaign in the region, and Iran should not help Riyadh correct its mistakes.

Second, it should be considered that the rift was not only about the Brotherhoodbut also about Qatars policy toward Iran. Therefore, Tehran cannot and should not stand idly by while Doha is being punished for its different approach toward Iran. Indeed, it would be counterproductive for Tehran to fail to stand on the side of those who oppose the Saudi approach towardIran and tryto rid themselves of it.

Third, Riyadh has exhausted its options against Iran in recent years. For lack of much-needed cards, Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in early May spoke about taking the fight into Iran, crossing previously agreed-upon red lines between the two nations. As such, Iran doesnt have anything to lose in backing Qatar against Saudi Arabia. On the contrary, Tehran can gain a lot by supporting Qatar.

Fourth, standing with Qatar can help strengthen Tehrans ties with Doha, Ankara and their Brotherhood allies, who possibly moving towarda regional understanding of sorts with Iran and its allies can play constructive roles in Syria, Yemen and elsewhere in the region. Additionally, it can hinder Saudi Arabias capacity to assemble coalitions aimed against Iran, Qatar and other nations in the future as well.

The choice Iran now faces is that of whether to stick to its current and tried policy of seeking de-escalation in the face of Saudi-led confrontation. Indeed, there are signs of this default posture being abandoned. If Iran is to learn from past experiences, there is no alternative to diplomatically confronting Saudi Arabia on the regional stage especially since it is becoming increasingly clear that the Islamic Republic has nothing to lose through the latter.

Read More: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2017/06/iran-stance-qatar-crisis-saudi-arabia-rivalry-assertion.html

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Iran maneuvers to capitalize on Qatar crisis - Al-Monitor

By Army Sgt. Anthony Hewitt, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division

FORT BRAGG, N.C., June 13, 2017 In Iraq's capital city of Baghdad during the 1980s, a family of six brothers and one sister -- all very close in age -- played in the streets and parks of their hometown, enjoying the simple things in life they had at the time. Through the decades, the times and the city had changed, and the streets and parks were not as simple.

Army Sgt. Ali Alsaeedy, an Iraq native and a paratrooper assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division's 307th Brigade Engineer Battalion, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, described his journey from being a young college student in Baghdad to becoming a paratrooper in America's Guard of Honor.

Alsaeedy, the son of an Iraqi army reserve officer, said Iraq was a joyous place to grow up. "We played basketball, walked to school -- all the children in the neighborhood were close," he added. "There were negatives in politics, but we believed in our father, and everything was fine."

Alsaeedy's dream was to travel. "Everybody's goal [in high school] was to travel the world, places like [the United Kingdom], U.S., and Europe," Alsaeedy said. He kept that dream with him before pursuing a degree in biochemical engineering at the University of Baghdad.

"I was in my second year of college when everything happened -- the troops arrived," he said. "It was a year later when it seemed things began to settle down. We all were trying to educate ourselves on the matter, because we believed -- and still do -- that the U.S. forces and allies were there to transform the country and help. We felt there was not going to be any more tyranny system or sects of families taking over the country, doing whatever they felt they wanted so we believed in the change and welcomed it."

Trouble Finding Work

After graduating from college, Alsaeedy needed to find work, preferably in the engineering field. But it was extremely hard to come by, he said, due to the nature of the country and the fact that most employers hired only within their sects.

"I did not know exactly what to do or what I wanted to do, but I did know that I wanted to work for and with the service members," he said. "It was not just about money or security. It was about being a part of something important to me."

Unable to break into the U.S. contractor market, Alsaeedy's education and skill set eventually gravitated employers to him within the private sector. In 2005, he found stability in the information technology field as a networking specialist for satellite communications.

"Then one day a man came into the shop and it changed my life forever," he said. "He inquired about an internet network to be installed on a military base in Baghdad. I took the job. After the work was complete, they were very satisfied and needed more, so they hired me full-time. My English was very fluent, and I became a translator for them, too."

While the years passed, Alsaeedy's experiences and relationships grew through the ranks, and by 2007, he was a popular name among higher-ranking officials with the U.S. Air Force and the Marines in Qaim, Iraq.

Integrated Into Brotherhood

"I saw in the soldiers what very few of us [natives] see," Alsaeedy said. "They were trustful, pleasant and respectful; they integrated me into their brotherhood."

Insurgency propaganda said the Americans were in Iraq to destroy everything, Alsaeedy said." But they were not," he added. "They were building. They built infrastructure for the population and barracks for the Iraqi army. They supplied resources increasing our livelihood [and] creating jobs for husbands and fathers."

At the end of 2007, Alsaeedy received some big news. Then-President George W. Bush allowed vetted contractors who had worked for the U.S. government for at least five years to be granted special immigrant visas for them and their families. The visa allowed them to live and work in the United States. At the end of 2009, Alsaeedy said, things started to change as U.S. troops began to withdraw.

"The protection was decreasing and so was the structure," he said. "I knew if I stayed, my family and I were going to die soon." In 2010, Alsaeedy met his five-year requirement to qualify for the special visa for him and his family to move to the United States.

Settling in Virginia

He settled in Norfolk, Virginia, where a new country and culture surrounded him. What he once knew as a world of war was now a life of peace and the pursuit of happiness, he said. He was immediately hired, and he worked for an oil and gas company from 2011 to 2012.

Alsaeedy said he felt grateful to the United States for the opportunities hed received.

However, Alsaeedy said he wanted to give them more.

He enlisted into the U.S. Army in August 2013 as a combat engineer. Shortly thereafter, he attended basic training and advanced individual training at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri.

Airborne School

Alsaeedy demonstrated his potential and quick-learning abilities, as well as outstanding physical fitness. He was afforded the opportunity to attend airborne school at Fort Benning, Georgia, upon graduation.

"I found out that I was going to be assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division," he said. "I knew it was an honor and a prestigious unit. I remember seeing the 'Double-A' patch in Iraq. And to realize that I am now one of those paratroopers along with my family -- I was beyond excited and humbled. However, it truly did not hit me until I came to Fort Bragg and walked through the division's museum. That's when I realized I was a part of something special."

In 2014, Alsaeedy arrived full of energy to Alpha Company, 307th BEB. He was a new Panther Engineer, and he integrated just fine among his leaders and peers.

"We did a lot of training," he said. "We went to every kind of weapons range you could think of. I learned demolitions, steel cutting, [went on] too many ruck marches, and was just very happy."

Returning to Iraq

But Alsaeedy's heart was holding a deep secret: there was something missing.

"My real dream was to return to Iraq," he said. "I wanted to be an asset to the unit. I had the language, the background and culture. I knew if I ever went back, I would put myself out there to be as valuable as I could for the 307th."

In early 2015, the 3rd BCT deployed to Southwest Asia in support of Operation Inherent Resolve. At the time, it was the newest campaign in the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. There, paratroopers assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division provided advice and assistance to Iraqi security forces.

In a twist of fate, Alsaeedy's unit operated in the neighborhood where he was raised. His dream finally came true.

"It wasn't easy at first," Alsaeedy said while looking up with teary eyes. "But it was my leadership. They understood my situation. They supported me. It made my job and task much easier."

Alsaeedy's background and capabilities soon became an asset for his battalion commander all the way up to division command sergeant major and higher-ranking officials in tactical operations centers around the area of operations.

With his hard work and commitment to his leadership and the unit's mission, Alsaeedy received the first battlefield promotion for a noncommissioned officer during the OIR campaign. He was pinned with the rank of sergeant during the fall of 2015 upon the unit's redeployment to Fort Bragg.

Great Things

His accomplishments and accolades did not stop there. "When I became an NCO, great things began to happen for me and my family," Alsaeedy said. He attended the Warrior Leader's Course soon after becoming a sergeant, learning technical skills and correspondence in the craft of an NCO.

Alsaeedy's motivation and physical fitness separated him from his peers. He wanted to go to Sapper School and master his craft as an engineer. "I may have had a more advanced role during deployment, but I am still an engineer in the 307th," he said.

Early 2016 came around, and he began training with the division's Best Sapper Team as it prepared to compete in the U.S. Army Best Sapper competition.

To keep himself busy and find new challenges, Alsaeedy attended the two-week Fort Bragg Pre-Ranger Course, which evaluates and prepares future candidates for the U.S. Armys Ranger School at Fort Benning.

He never went to Sapper School, though. Immediately upon graduating the Pre-Ranger Course, he was put on a bus to Ranger School. Alsaeedy went straight through the 62-day course, a course that normally has a high attrition rate.

"I have been busy, that's for sure," he said. "But I felt the more I accomplish as an NCO and a paratrooper, the more I am giving back to the Army.

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Face of Defense: Army Paratrooper Recalls Childhood in Iraq - Department of Defense