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The US military said the strikes were aimed at stopping the militia advance and protect fighters it has sponsored throughout the civil war. Photograph: Hassan Ammar/AP

US jets have attacked a convoy of Iranian-backed militiamen in south-eastern Syria in the first clash between the American military and forces loyal to Tehran since the US military returned to the region almost three years ago.

The airstrikes occurred near the Syrian town of al-Tanf, where Syrian opposition forces backed by the US have been under recent attack by Syrian and Russian jets near the main road linking Damascus to Baghdad. The militias, made up mainly of Iraqi Shia fighters, had been advancing towards the base throughout the week.

The US military said the strikes were aimed at stopping the militia advance and protect fighters it has sponsored throughout the civil war and in the fight against the Islamic State terror group.

The clash underscores the complexity of the fast-changing battlefields of Syria and Iraq, where a splintered opposition is struggling to hold ground, Isis faces military defeat, and forces allied to the Syrian leader, Bashar al-Assad, are in the ascendant.

Opposition units in the area continue to be backed by the CIA. They were raised to fight Isis, but have also been positioned as a bulwark against Iran-backed forces that have crossed from Iraq and been instrumental in recent gains made across Syria by the Assad regime.

A convoy going down the road didnt respond to numerous ways for it to be warned off from getting too close to coalition forces in al-Tanf, said a US defence official in Washington. Then there was finally a strike against a lead portion of that movement.

Defense secretary said that the attack did not mean that the US would be getting more involved Syrias civil war.

We are not increasing our role in the Syrian civil war, but we will defend our troops, Mattis said. We will defend ourselves (if) people take aggressive steps against us. And thats been a going-in policy of ours for a long time.

An opposition leader in al-Tanf said several thousand militiamen were trying to clear anti-Assad forces from the highway, in order to push west towards Mayedin and Deir Azzour, two crucial legs of a land route that Iran is trying to clear towards Damascus.

The Guardian reported earlier this week that senior Iraqi and Iranian officials had recently moved the course of the corridor about 140 miles south of its original route because of a strengthened US presence along its original course, through Syrias Kurdish north-east.

Earlier on Thursday, Irans Fars news agency, which is linked to the countrys powerful Revolutionary Guards Corps, claimed 3,000 members of Hezbollah had been moved to al-Tanf to combat a US plot.

Though they remain central to the US-led campaign to defeat Isis in eastern Syria and western Iraq, the forces sponsored by Washington are becoming central to US fears that Iran is finalising a corridor that would secure influence from Tehran to southern Lebanon.

US commanders are planning to move forces north from the Jordanian border and south from the Kurdish north towards Deir Azzour, one of the last bastions of Isis in Syria. The planned push, however, is being viewed by Iran as a threat.

It didnt start off about Iran, and it still isnt totally about them, said a senior European military official. But it is becoming that way.

On the eve of a visit to Riyadh, where he has vowed to reset relations with Saudi Arabia, Donald Trump has taken a hardline stance against Iran, and the Assad regime, which Tehran heavily backs.

Riyadh has been pushing for a reset of bilateral relations, which winds back a US pivot towards Iran under the Obama administration in favour of renewed ties between Washington and Riyadh that had been deeply strained during the former presidents second term.

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US jets attack Iran-backed militiamen in south-eastern Syria - The Guardian

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Forget Watergate. Think Iran-Contra. - New York Times

ANKARA Iranians vote for president on Friday in a contest likely to determine whether Tehran's re-engagement with the world stalls or quickens, although whatever the outcome no change is expected to its revolutionary system of conservative clerical rule.

Seeking a second term, pragmatist President Hassan Rouhani, 68, remains the narrow favorite, but hardline rivals have hammered him over his failure to boost an economy weakened by decades of sanctions.

Many Iranians feel a 2015 agreement he championed with major powers to lift sanctions in return for curbing Iran's nuclear program has failed to produce the jobs, growth and foreign investment he said would follow.

The normally mild-mannered cleric is trying to hold on to office by firing up reformist voters who want less confrontation abroad and more social and economic freedom at home.

In recent days he has adopted robust rhetoric, pushing at the boundaries of what is permitted in Iran. He has accused his conservative opponents of abusing human rights, misusing religious authority to gain power and representing the economic interests of the security forces.

Rouhani's strongest challenger is hardline cleric Ebrahim Raisi, 56, who says Iran does not need foreign help and promises a revival of the values of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

He is backed by Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards, the country's top security force, their affiliated volunteer Basij militia, hardline clerics and two influential clerical groups.

Another prominent conservative, Tehran Mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, withdrew from the race on Monday and backed Raisi, uniting the hardline faction and giving Raisi's chances a boost.

Under Iran's system, the powers of the elected president are circumscribed by those of the conservative supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has been in power since 1989. All candidates must be vetted by a hardline body.

Nevertheless, elections are fiercely contested and can bring about change within the system of rule overseen by Shi'ite Muslim clerics.

CLOSE ALLY

The main challenger Raisi is a close ally and protege of Khamenei, and was one of four Islamic judges who ordered the execution of thousands of political prisoners in 1988. Iranian media have discussed him as a potential future successor to Khamenei, who turns 78 in July.

Raisi has appealed to poorer voters by pledging to create millions of jobs.

"Though unrealistic, such promises will surely attract millions of poor voters," said Saeed Leylaz, a prominent Iranian economist who was jailed for criticizing the economic policies of Rouhani's hardline predecessor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Although the supreme leader is officially above the fray of everyday politics, Khamenei can sway a presidential vote by giving a candidate his quiet endorsement, a move that could galvanize hardline efforts to get the conservative vote out.

"Raisi has a good chance to win. But still the result depends on the leader Khamenei's decision," said a former senior official, who declined to be identified.

So far in public Khamenei has called only for a high turnout, saying Iran's enemies have sought to use the elections to "infiltrate" its power structure, and a high turnout would prove the system's legitimacy.

A high turnout could also boost the chances of Rouhani, who was swept to power in 2013 on promises to reduce Iran's international isolation and grant more freedoms at home. The biggest threat to his re-election is apathy from disappointed voters who feel he did not deliver improvements they hoped for.

"The result depends on whether the economic problems will prevail over freedom issues," said an official close to Rouhani. "A low turnout can harm Rouhani."

Polls taken by International Perspectives for Public Opinion on May 10 show Rouhani still leads with about 55 percent of the votes, although such surveys do not have an established record of predicting election outcomes in Iran.

If no candidate wins more than 50 percent of votes cast, the top two candidates will compete in a runoff election on May 26.

Because the conservatives are now mostly united behind Raisi, the result is likely to be closer than four years ago, when Rouhani won more than three times as many votes as his closest challenger en route to a victory in a single round.

SLOW PACE OF CHANGE

Opposition and reformist figures are backing Rouhani. The Kalameh website reported that opposition leader Mirhossein Mousavi, under house arrest since 2011, had requested a mobile ballot box be brought to his residence so that he could vote for Rouhani.

Rouhani's recent fiery campaign speeches have led to a surge of public interest. Yet many voters' expectations of radical change are low.

"I had decided not to vote ... Rouhani failed to keep his promises. As long as Khamenei runs policy, nothing will change," said art student Raika Mostashari in Tehran.

But she eventually decided to vote for Rouhani, she said, because former president Mohammad Khatami, spiritual leader of the pro-reform movement, had publicly backed him.

Rouhani's signature accomplishment has been his nuclear deal, which could be in jeopardy if he loses power, even though it was officially endorsed by Khamenei and all candidates say they will abide by it.

U.S. President Donald Trump has frequently called the agreement "one of the worst deals ever signed" and said Washington will review it.

Although the agreement lifted international sanctions, the United States continues to impose unilateral measures that have scared off investors. Washington cites Iran's missile program, its human rights record and support for terrorism.

Some experts say Iranian establishment figures may want to keep Rouhani in power to avoid being cast back into isolation.

"With the deal in jeopardy, the system will be in vital need of Rouhanis team of smiling diplomats and economic technocrats to shift the blame to the U.S. and keep Iran's economy afloat," said Iran analyst Ali Vaez of the International Crisis Group.

Polls expected to open at 03:30 GMT and close at 13:30 GMT, which can be extended. Final results are expected by Sunday.

(Writing by Parisa Hafezi; editing by William Maclean and Peter Graff)

CAIRO An Indian man working on a Qatar World Cup stadium where rights groups say labor abuses have occurred, died of a heart attack this month in an incident the tournament's organizers said on Thursday was not due to his working conditions.

WASHINGTON/AMMAN The U.S. military carried out an air strike on Thursday against militia supported by the Syrian government that posed a threat to U.S. and U.S.-backed Syrian fighters in the country's south, U.S. officials told Reuters on Thursday.

DUBAI Iranians vote on Friday in a bitter presidential contest between pragmatist President Hassan Rouhani and hardline challenger Ebrahim Raisi that could determine the pace of economic and social reform and Iran's re-engagement with the world.

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Iran's re-engagement with the world at stake in Friday presidential vote - Reuters

Half a dozen units of Islamic State group fighters holed up in western Mosul began their morning radio checks at just after 4 a.m. It was still dark and Iraqi forces deployed a few blocks away were listening in as they prepared an advance on the city's al-Rifai neighborhood.

"Thirty, what's new? ... 120, do you read me? What's up?" the IS radio operator said, using Iraqi slag.

About 40 minutes later the first U.S.-led coalition airstrike hit as Iraqi forces pushed across a main road and began clearing the neighborhood's narrow streets.

"We're seeing at least two squirters at the impact site," a member of the coalition force radioed back to the Iraqi troops in Australian-accented English, using a slang term for badly wounded IS fighters. Moments later the extremists were calling for doctors over their own radio network.

Over the next 12 hours, more than 10 coalition airstrikes hit al-Rifai's eastern edge. Most targeted small teams of two or three IS fighters manning sniper rifles or machine guns so Iraq's special forces units could advance on the ground.

Military operations like the one in al-Rifai this week are accelerating in Mosul as part of a drive to retake the handful of districts still under IS control before the holy month of Ramadan begins at the end of May. And despite recent allegations of increased civilian casualties, advances on the ground continue to be backed by heavy airstrikes and artillery.

Launched in mid-February, the fight for Mosul's western sector has been marked by some of the most difficult fighting and catastrophic destruction yet in Iraq's war against IS. The brutality of the operation was highlighted by a single incident just a month into the operation a U.S. airstrike on March 17 that killed more than 100 people sheltering in a home, according to residents and other witnesses interviewed by The Associated Press.

By contrast, Mosul's eastern half was retaken in 100 days of fighting. While front lines stalled at times, the area was less densely populated, neighborhoods were more modern with wider streets allowing tanks and other armored vehicles greater freedom of movement and the area was never under siege, allowing many IS fighters to flee westward.

The number of civilians reportedly killed in coalition airstrikes in Iraq and Syria spiked to 1,800 in March, more than three times the number reported a month earlier, according to Airwars, a London-based group that tracks civilian deaths from coalition airstrikes. Official figures from the Pentagon, which is slower in confirming deaths, are far lower: It said last month that it has confirmed coalition airstrikes killed at least 352 civilians in Iraq and Syria combined since the campaign against IS started in 2014.

The March 17 incident sparked outrage in Iraq and beyond. The U.N. called on Iraq to conduct "an urgent review of tactics to ensure that the impact on civilians is reduced to an absolute minimum."

The Pentagon is still investigating the incident but Gen. Joseph Votel, head of U.S. Central Command, said the munitions used by the U.S. that day should not have taken the entire building down, suggesting that militants may have deliberately gathered civilians there and planted other explosives.

An Iraqi officer overseeing the Mosul operation said that after the March 17 strike, he received orders to no longer target buildings with munitions. Instead airstrikes were directed to the streets and gardens beside IS locations. But the order lasted only a few days. Now, as Iraq's army, special forces and militarized federal police push to clear the last vestiges of western Mosul held by IS, the volume of airstrikes is the same as when the mission to retake western Mosul first began, said the officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.

A few blocks from the front-line advance, Faisa Muhammed, her children and grandchildren huddled Tuesday on the ground floor of their home. Car bombs, airstrikes and mortar attacks had already broken every window in their house. Their street had been declared liberated the day before but the fight was still so close that the force of nearby explosions filled their living room with dust and blew open the curtains they had pulled closed over the shattered window frames.

Muhammed said two airstrikes hit on either side of her home over the past week. One killed a single IS fighter in a neighboring garden and another killed a three-member sniper team on the roof of another house.

"If we hear only 10 explosions in a day, that's very little," she said as her grandchildren sat quietly even as the walls around them shook. When the whine of a mortar sounded overhead everyone mechanically plugged their ears with their fingers. Soldiers took cover in her garden when a nearby airstrike sent rubble raining down on the street outside.

"This has become normal for the children," Muhammed said.

Just over eight square kilometers (three square miles) of western Mosul remains under IS control, but within that area is the Old City congested, densely populated terrain that is expected to present some of the most difficult fighting and greatest danger to civilians.

The renewed push to drive IS out of the remaining pockets still under its control was launched just over two weeks ago and since then Iraqi forces have retaken more than 30 square kilometers (12 square miles), according to the U.S.-led coalition, forcing thousands to flee. Some 500,000 people have fled western Mosul since February and the United Nations warned another 200,000 may be forced to flee as the operation continues.

U.N. humanitarian coordinator Lise Grande called the numbers "overwhelming."

Iraqi special forces Lt. Gen. Abdul-Wahab al-Saadi said he hopes to complete the Mosul operation before Ramadan begins around May 27 in order to get resources to the hundreds of thousands of civilians believed to be besieged in IS-held Mosul.

"It is very important to reach them very quickly," he said, adding that a victory before the holy month would "bring joy to the residents of Mosul and the troops."

Associated Press writers Sinan Salaheddin in Baghdad and Mouhammad Nouman in Mosul contributed to this report

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Airstrikes fuel Mosul gains as Iraq pushes for quick victory - ABC News

Iraq's Sunni minority is pushing for a greater say in power once the Islamic State group is defeated, reflecting growing sentiment that the country's government must be more inclusive to prevent extremism from gaining ground once again.

But so far, there's little momentum. Many Shiite politicians are wary, and the Sunni leadership is divided and disorganized. On the ground, tensions are further stoked because Shiite militias and Kurdish fighters control some mainly Sunni areas recaptured from IS militants and are resistant to withdrawing.

The danger is that Iraq will miss the chance to break the sectarian cycle that has fueled extremism for more than a decade.

Sunni resentment over disenfranchisement and the rise of Shiite power after the 2003 ouster of Saddam Hussein fueled an insurgency and gave a foothold to al-Qaida. The U.S. military, backed by Sunni tribal fighters, largely crushed al-Qaida. But Sunni bitterness over continued discrimination by Shiites helped in the subsequent rise of the Islamic State group. Each time, the rise of militants only deepened Shiite suspicions that the Sunnis cannot be trusted.

U.S. officials backing Baghdad in the fight against IS have warned repeatedly that the same could happen again now unless the government is made more inclusive.

A prominent Sunni lawmaker, Mahmoud al-Mashhadani, said Iraq could fall apart unless a "historic compromise" is reached.

"Such compromise is a must, otherwise Iraq will be gone," the former parliament speaker told The Associated Press.

He and some Sunni factions put together a working paper outlining their stance for talks on a new system, calling for negotiations over dramatic changes to the constitution.

Shiite Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has called repeatedly for unity after the defeat of IS, and Shiite politicians say they recognize the need for more inclusiveness.

"We have big concerns for the post-Daesh period," said Shiite lawmaker Ali al-Alaq, using an Arabic acronym for IS. He says proper distribution of resources and rebuilding of state institutions are key to keeping the country together.

He pointed to a referendum on independence that the Kurdish autonomous region aims to hold later this year. "We are concerned that Sunnis could demand the same," he said.

But any real talks are on hold while fighting still rages over the Islamic State group's last main urban bastion, Mosul.

And already there are fault lines over numerous issues.

SECURITY

The Sunni working paper calls for steps to address their complaints that crackdowns on militants have unfairly hurt their community. It demands a halt to "random arrests," the freeing of detainees not convicted of crimes and eventually a review of anti-terrorism laws.

Shiite politicians have long resisted those demands, pushing for a tougher fight against terrorism. Shiites estimated at up to 60 percent of the population of more than 36 million often suspect the Sunni minority of secret sympathies with militants and of aiming to regain power. Sunni Arabs dominated the ruling Baath Party and leadership positions during the rule of Saddam, a Sunni himself who brutally suppressed Shiites.

Long term, many Sunnis want provincial governors to have greater control over security forces on their soil, ensuring that Sunnis are patrolling Sunni regions.

Khalaf al-Hadidi, a provincial council member in Nineveh, the mainly Sunni province where Mosul is located, said local security forces need to be given a "bigger role in protecting the province. These (local) forces must be under the governor's control instead of many parties from outside the province."

But Shiite-led governments have long distrusted local Sunni security forces, at times refusing to arm or pay them. The collapse of mainly Sunni police forces in the face of the IS blitz of 2014 only reinforced Shiite fears that Sunnis would not act against militants.

MILITIAS

Intertwined with Sunni security demands is their deep opposition to Shiite militias, which have a major role in the fight against IS but are also accused of abuses against Sunnis. The working paper calls for the disbanding of the Hashd, the government-backed umbrella group of militias, most of them Shiite.

Far from agreeing to disband, however, the militias are pushing for greater official recognition of their power.

Shiite militias and Kurdish fighters hold significant parts of Nineveh province and other mainly Sunni areas. The Federal Police, an overwhelmingly Shiite force, is also fighting in Mosul alongside the military. Sunnis want those forces to leave quickly.

But a senior Shiite politician Ali Adeeb, head of the State of Law coalition in parliament said those forces cannot leave Mosul until there is "certainty that Daesh ideology will not return ... We are worried this ideology will come back and Daesh will come back to regain control."

DECENTRALIZATION

A main Sunni call is for greater authority and resources to be handed down to the provinces, giving Sunnis more say in areas they dominate.

A major issue would be how to distribute government funds. Sunnis have long complained that Shiite-majority areas get favored in budget spending, infrastructure development and directing of investments. That question will become particularly acute after IS's fall because billions of dollars are needed to rebuild Sunni cities destroyed in the fight against the militants and already there is grumbling that no plan has been put together for reconstruction.

The working paper also calls for significant reforms to ensure Sunnis have a voice in the central government. It demands an end to the system of divvying up government posts that effectively turns ministries into fiefdoms of political factions, particularly Shiite ones.

But that could meet resistance from Shiite parties with entrenched interests. Shiites also say their election victories carried by their demographic majority give them the right to set up ruling coalitions.

In the eyes of some Shiites, Sunni complaints over Shiite domination only fuel sectarianism. In comments Tuesday, senior Shiite politician Amar Hakeem warned against agendas that "pit communities, religions and sects against each other."

"One of the cracks through which Daesh entered was by playing with the social fabric and claiming to protect one community," he said, according to Iraqi press reports.

THE KURDS

Iraq faces another possible conflict over the Kurds. The Kurdish autonomous region in the north has repeatedly called for a referendum on full independence from Iraq. Now, Kurdish leadership says such a vote could happen as early as September.

That is potentially more explosive because the Kurds seized extensive areas outside their self-rule zone during fighting with IS. Most notably, they hold the oil-rich central province of Kirkuk, which they have long claimed as their own but has significant Sunni Arab and ethnic Turkmen communities.

SUNNI DIVISIONS

Not all Sunni factions have signed onto the working paper. Since Saddam's fall in 2003, Iraq's Sunni Arabs have been wracked by divisions and lack a strong political party to press their case in Baghdad.

If a compromise is not reached with Baghdad, it could strengthen calls for Sunnis to demand outright autonomy like the Kurds. So far, that holds limited appeal among Sunnis because their provinces lack resources and would likely be squeezed out of oil wealth.

Still, Atheel al-Nujaifi, the former Nineveh governor, is one of a few calling for a self-rule region. He says the priority is the liberate Mosul, then try talks with Baghdad. But failing that, Mosul residents have the right to create their own region.

"We will still need Baghdad only to protect the borders," he said.

Associated Press writer Sinan Salaheddin in Baghdad contributed to this report.

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Sunnis seek greater say in post-IS Iraq but face resistance - ABC News