Archive for May, 2017

Trayvon Martin’s Parents Reveal the Emotional Costs of Having Your Child’s Murder Launch a Movement – Slate Magazine

People chant at a rally in Los Angeles on July 16, 2013, organized by the ANSWER coalition to protest the acquittal of George Zimmerman for the death of Trayvon Martin.

Mario Anzuoni/Reuters

When Sybrina Fulton learned that her son, Trayvon Martin, had been killed, she lay in bed for days, praying and crying. She thought about the fact that she would never again kiss her son, would never take pictures of his prom, see him graduate high school, or go to college. Initially, she recalls in the new memoir she co-wrote with Trayvons father, Tracy Martin, I just wanted Trayvons body to be returned home so we could give him a proper homegoing service and burial. Soon, however, Fulton and Martin found themselves at the center of a national controversy. Their efforts to find justice for their son had grown into something much bigger: Black Lives Matter. But few outsiders knew about the personal and physical toll this took on Sybrina Fulton, who began to notice a lump on her neck that turned out to be a potentially fatal thyroid disorder. While her doctor advised immediate surgery, she decided to wait until after George Zimmermans murder trial, realizing: I needed to appear strong, even though I was physically suffering.

Reading Rest in Power: The Enduring Life of Trayvon Martin, I found myself thinking of Emmett Till. Not the iconic photograph of his brutally beaten body in an open casket but of a haunting photograph of Mamie Till Mobley at her sons funeral. She is standing by his casket, leaning forward slightly, grimacing in indescribable pain. Hanging on the open casket lid are three photos of Emmett Till, possibly taken Easter Sunday. He is wearing dark slacks, a white cuff-link shirt, and a black necktie with a single white stripe down the middle. Mobleys eyes are shut tight. She is holding the edge of the casket, her fingers just touching the Plexiglas that protects Emmetts beaten, bloated body. No mother is ever prepared or can ever imagine what it is like to bury her child. Mamie Till Mobleys pain was amplified by having to lay to rest a boy whose chubby face she could no longer recognize. Yet what haunts me most about this image is knowing that, in this most intimate of moments, when her private pain could have been aided, however inadequately, by family, friends, and anonymity, Mamie Till Mobley made the bold choice to have an open-casket funeral. She chose to do so, she would explain, because I wanted the world to see what they did to my baby.

I have often wondered how Mamie Till Mobley came to make that choice. After reading Rest in Power, I cant say that I have a better sense of her decision. But I do have a greater appreciation for the emotional and personal costs it must exact to have your childs death catalyze a movement.

Rest in Power tells the story of Sybrina Fulton and Tracy Martin, stable, middle-class black parents with no background in social activism. Fulton provides the books introduction and opening chapter; she and Martin then alternate chapters throughout. While Martin focuses more on the mechanics of the entire case, Fulton lays bare the emotional toll that the loss of a son can have on a parent. Having watched my own mother grieve for my teenage brother after he was shot and killed by a teenage boy who was never even tried for the crime, I would often sit silently, stunned by the weight of Fultons prose: The truth had taken the breath and the life out of me. A darkness descended and everything ached: my head, my chest, my heart. I had never experienced the piercing pain I felt in that moment, a hurt so deep it made me think my heart was going to come flying out of my body and explode in midair. It was true. Trayvon was gone. And I was in a very dark place.

By their accounts, Trayvon was a normal 17-year-old boy. Which is to say, he made friends easily, loved to socialize, spent nearly every waking moment on his phone, slacked off in school, and was an occasional source of parental frustrationan experience so universal as to be unremarkable, if we didnt know how the story unfolds. Midway through his junior year, in February 2012, Trayvon was suspended and went to spend a few days with his father in Sanford, Florida. While walking home from a convenience store in the rain, George Zimmerman stalked and chased Trayvon and ultimately killed him. He would claim he feared for his life. The police believed Zimmerman and did not arrest him.

It is clear reading their story that these were black parents whom the racial state would neither allow to grieve nor express the full range of their emotions.

Fulton and Martin each recount how they grappled with the loss of their son, and searched together for answers about his death, only to find themselves thrust onto the national stage. It is tempting to view them as acting heroically, though in doing so one risks losing sight of their humanity, of the fact that they never wanted anything more than to be parents of a hard-headed teenaged boy who, they prayed, would someday get it together.

This is possibly the most powerful takeaway from the book: For whatever Fulton and Martin may have accomplished, it is clear reading their story that these were black parents whom the racial state would neither allow to grieve nor express the full range of their emotions. Fulton recalls the demands that she speak publically about Trayvon and remembers thinking, I was still grieving and just wanted to withdraw from the world that killed my son, instead of confronting it. And while they may have been the parents of a murder victim, Tracy Martin soon realized that we were black parents of a black teenagerwhatever sympathy the general public had for us would vanish if we ever truly showed all the anger and frustration we felt. To secure justice for Trayvon, they had to be stoic, endure hate mail and threats of physical and sexual violence, have their personal health decline to critical levels, and see their home transformed into a movements headquarters.

Rest in Power thus presents a historical paradox. In a recent stand-up routine, Dave Chappelle told a largely white audience about Mamie Till Mobleys decision to have an open-casket funeral for her son. That tragedy, and that grieving mothers impossible decision, Chappelle explained, set in motion a series of events that, decades later, allowed Chappelle to have one of the most politically trenchant comedy shows of all time. The audience clapped and cheered, leaving me convinced that few of them caught the hint of guilt in Chappelles voice, that he was neither thankful for Tills murder nor Mobleys sacrifice, though he fully understood that those events helped make it possible for him to do his art.

Had Trayvon Martin made it home that night, we might not have Black Lives Matter, the Movement for Black Lives policy platform, or even know names like Michael Brown or Philando Castile or Renisha McBride or Sandra Bland or Tamir Rice or Aiyana Jones or Jordan Edwards. If Trayvons death sparked a movement, if he has become the touchstone by which we gauge racial oppression and state violence in America, Rest in Power gives the impression that Fulton and Martin refuse to allow their son to simply remain a symbol. Fulton wants you to know about the doting 9-year-old who called her Cupcake while Martin would tell you that his sons first word was outside. If with each new name that follows Trayvon Martins, we confront the relentless consistency with which America seems to insist on black death, his parents seem to insist that whatever their sons legacy might be, it is his life, what might have been, that should inspire. She and Martin will not limit Trayvons life to a darkened passageway in Sanford, a callous state judicial system that waited 45 days to arrest his killer, or a white racial imaginary that convicted their son while setting his killer free.

In James Baldwins novel Giovannis Room, the main character, David, offers this compelling observation: People cant, unhappily, invent their lovers and their friends, anymore than they can invent their parents. Life gives these and also takes them away and the great difficulty is to say Yes to life. In her final chapter, Sybrina Fulton recalls the moment when she refused to succumb to despair:

Sybrina Fultons decision to act, to say yes to life, represents the best possible response to the paradox in which we find ourselves. For this paradox demands that we acknowledge the powerful force of black social movements while recognizing that the costs are never only the lives lost but what it costs for those left to choose life.

Rediscover the joys and surprises of great literature! Spend 2016 reading and discussing six great novels alongside Slate's books and culture columnist Laura Miller and her fellow Slatesters. Join us today.

Rest in Power: The Enduring Life of Trayvon Martin by Sybrina Fulton and Tracy Martin. Spiegel & Grau.

Trayvon Martin's parents take readers beyond the news cycle with an account only they could give: the intimate story of a tragically foreshortened life and the rise of a movement. On a February evening in 2012, in a small town in central Florida, seventeen-year-old Trayvon Martin was walkin...

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Trayvon Martin's Parents Reveal the Emotional Costs of Having Your Child's Murder Launch a Movement - Slate Magazine

Take a Seat and Make a Stand! #ShotsFired Finale TONITE! – Eurweb.com

Shots Fired Season Finale Wednesday at 8/7pm Central Watch, email, Tweet, Facebook, On demand

*As an ongoing initiative of the Black Hollywood Education and Resource Center, a nationwide call to action has been set forth in support of the finale episode of the Fox series Shots Fired, starring Sanaa Lathan and Stephan James.

The finale episode of the ten episode limited series airs on Wednesday, May 24th at 8pm/7 pm Central.

In addition to watching the finale episode, fans are encouraged to email, Facebook and tweet to their friends and fellow influencers, as well ascatch up onback episodes on demandor on Hulu.

Why is this series so important? It is not television as usual. It takes on the hardest and the most painful issues of our community, the gunning down of unarmed youth by law enforcement, torn communities and shattered hearts. Shots Fired is created by Gina Prince-Bythewood and Reggie Rock Bythewood, whose sons reaction to the Trayvon Martin/George Zimmerman verdict inspired the show.

SHOTS FIRED: Stephan James in the Hour 10: Last Dance series finale episode of SHOTS FIRED airing Wednesday, May 24 (8:00-9:00 PM ET/PT) on FOX. 2017 Fox Broadcasting Co. CR: FOX

The BHERC is about taking action, supporting independent filmmakers throughout the pipeline of their careers and taking public and proactive stands to support programming that serves the interests of educating, empowering and advocating for people of color in the entertainment industry and beyond.

The BHERC asks for all who care about quality programming, police reform and social justice to plan to watch this gripping finale, or set their DVRs to watch at a later time. #ShotsFired #BHERC @Rockthefilm @GBPmadeit

SHOTS FIRED is produced by 20thCentury Fox Television, in association with Imagine Television and Undisputed Cinema. The series is created and executive-produced by Gina Prince-Bythewood and Reggie Rock Bythewood. Brian Grazer and Francie Calfo also serve as executive producers. Like SHOTS FIRED on Facebook atfacebook.com/Shots Fired. Follow the series on Twitter@ShotsFiredFOX and join the conversation using #ShotsFired. See photos and videos on Instagram@ShotsFiredFOX.

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Take a Seat and Make a Stand! #ShotsFired Finale TONITE! - Eurweb.com

Black Lives Matter founders to be awarded 2017 Sydney Peace Prize – Miami Herald


LawOfficer.com
Black Lives Matter founders to be awarded 2017 Sydney Peace Prize
Miami Herald
The three women began Black Lives Matter in 2013 with the social media hashtag #BlackLivesMatter after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager. The hashtag and its meaning became nationally ...
Black Lives Matter Awarded the 2017 Sydney Peace PrizeThe Root
Black Lives Matter Founders To Be Honored With The 2017 Sydney Peace PrizeBlavity

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Black Lives Matter founders to be awarded 2017 Sydney Peace Prize - Miami Herald

Black Lives Matter Is The First Movement To Win Sydney’s Peace Prize – Junkee

"Imagine if we actually lived in a world where black lives matter. What would it look like, what would it take?"

The organisers of the Sydney Peace Prize have announced that this years recipient is the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States. Its the first time a movement, rather than an individual, has been awarded the prize.

The Sydney Peace Prize is an initiative of the Sydney Peace Foundation, a foundation of the University of Sydney. Previous recipients of the prize have includedArchbishop Desmond Tutu, Naomi Klein, Noam Chomsky and Senator Pat Dodson. The prize recognises the vital contributions of leading global peacemakers, creates a platform so that their voices are heard, and supportstheir vital workfor a fairer world. Winners receive $50,000 to help them continue their work.

The Black Lives Matter movement started in 2013 in response to the acquittal of George Zimmerman, who fatally shot 17-year old Trayvon Martin. The campaign was launched by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi and it focused on police violence and systemic racism targeting the black community.

Garza, Cullors and Tometi will travel to Sydney later this year to formally acceptthe prize.

The movement has had an enormous impact on US culture and prominent artists including Beyonce, Rihanna and Alicia Keyshave paid homage to it in recent years. The issues raised by Black Lives Matter have resonance beyond the US. Indigenous activists in Australia have pointed to the parallels between the persecution of the black community in the US and the structural racism and violence experienced by Indigenous Australians.

Last year, Alicia Garza delivered the keynote address at the Sydney Opera Houses Festival of Dangerous Ideas, alongside journalist Stan Grant. Her talk discussed the origin of the Black Lives Matters movement, placing it squarely in the context of hundreds of years of oppression and resistance, as opposed to something that has only emerged due to the rise of social media.

The Sydney Peace Prize jury citation forBlack Lives Matter reads For building a powerful movement for racial equality, courageously reigniting a global conversation around state violence and racism. And for harnessing the potential ofnew platforms and power of people to inspire a bold movement for change at a time when peace is threatened by growing inequality and injustice.

Patrisse Cullors, one of the movements co-founders, told Junkee that When we started Black Lives Matter wecalled for it to be something that translates outside of [the US]. We understand anti-black racism is actually a global crisis. And we see the consequences everywhere.

Black Lives Matter was trying to intervene on was this idea that we were living in a post-racial society, Cullors said. Obama had been elected, it was still his first term and then Trayvon Martin was murdered. At the beginning of his next term GeorgeZimmerman was acquitted. We knew as black folks that we werent living in a post-racial world, so Black Lives Matterbecame an intervention.

But the movement has always been about transforming the way activism is done. Internally, Black Lives Matter was about intervening intothis idea that only black, male, Christian pastors could lead a movement, Cullors said. We knew the workers and strategists of the movement wereblack women. Black, queer women in fact. We wanted them to be the faces of the movement.

Imagine if we actually lived in a world where black lives matter. What would it look like, what would it take?

There was no need to have a single leader. Even the three of us dont represent the movement. Theres thousands of leaders inside of it. The chapter structure of our network which is made up of 39 chapters means were really autonomous and linked under a set of guiding principles that weve created.

Cullors said that the election of Donald Trump had shaken Americans out of their post-racial naivety. People are awakened to the gruesome reality of America. An America that is steeped in poverty, racism and capitalism. As a result of those three things we are unfortunately bearing witness to some of the ugliest parts of America, she said.

Im an artistand part of my work is about exposing the reality of anti-black racism. But another part is aboutdeepeningour engagement with, and understanding of, black peoples resilience. We clearly wouldnt be here, and there wouldnt be a vibrant movement, if black people werent a resilient people.

Thats whats most exciting about this movement. We could talk about statisticsall day, like the fact that out of the 2.3 million people in prison in America, one million are black. But we could also talk about imagining a new world.Imagine if we actually lived in a world where black lives matter. What would it look like, what would it take?

Osman Faruqi is Junkees News and Politics Editor. He tweets at @oz_f.

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Black Lives Matter Is The First Movement To Win Sydney's Peace Prize - Junkee

Public Sharply Divided Over Ukraine’s Ban On Russian Social Networks – RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty

KYIV -- Censorship and a blow to freedom of expression, or a long-overdue move in defense of national security?

President Petro Poroshenko's blanket ban in Ukraine on several Russian Internet services, including leading Russian-language social networks and a popular search engine, has struck a chord -- or a nerve, depending on who you ask.

The ban, based on recommendations of the National Security and Defense Council (NSDC) put forth in April and issued on May 16 by presidential decree, immediately triggered a wave of criticism from human rights groups and journalists who claimed it was undemocratic.

Meanwhile, many Ukrainians -- particularly from the government and security apparatuses -- heralded it as a long overdue step to combat Russian instruments of information warfare amid a bloody shooting war with Russia-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine.

Specifically, the decree orders Internet service providers (ISPs) to block public access for three years to the Mail.ru group and its social-networking sites, VK (formerly VKontakte) and Odnoklassniki -- the top two in Ukraine.

At least 78 percent of Internet users in Ukraine, or some 20 million people, reportedly had a VK account as of late April. The Mail.Ru group is controlled by Kremlin-friendly oligarch Alisher Usmanov.

The decree also orders a block on the popular Russian search engine Yandex and its various services.

It brings the total of sanctioned physical and legal entities to 468 companies, most of them Russian, and 1,228 individuals in connection with what Poroshenko called via his own VK page Russia's "hybrid warfare" against Ukraine, including its seizure of Crimea in March 2014 and its role in a conflict in the country's east that has killed more than 9,900 people.

In signing the decree, Poroshenko promised to close his own VK page, where he has more than 466,000 followers. (The page was still up at the time of publication.)

Cynical Or Long Overdue?

Blistering criticism of the president's move came fast and hot.

"This is yet another example of the ease with which President Poroshenko unjustifiably tries to control public discourse in Ukraine," said Tanya Cooper, Ukraine researcher at Human Rights Watch (HRW). "Poroshenko may try to justify this latest step, but it is a cynical, politically expedient attack on the right to information affecting millions of Ukrainians, and their personal and professional lives."

Some critics drew comparisons to Internet restrictions imposed by China, Iran, and Turkey.

The "Erdoganization of Poroshenko is here" former journalist-turned-lawmaker Serhiy Leshchenko tweeted in an ominous reference to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's crackdown on that country's press and academia after a failed coup in July 2016.

Serhiy Petrenko, the former head of Yandex Ukraine, wrote this especially scathing indictment of Poroshenko's decree on his blog: "I'll be brief. Everyone who had a hand in this decree, including the person who signed it, are f***ing idiots."

The decree's supporters were no less enthusiastic, with many, like Ukrainian political consultant Taras Kuzio, saying the move was "long overdue."

"On the territory of Crimea and in the Russian Federation, Roskomnadzor blocked all our information resources, in particular, Free Crimea," Ukrainian political analyst Taras Berezovets wrote on Facebook, referring to a nonprofit project that monitors activities of Russian authorities on the annexed Crimean Peninsula. "Russians constantly write letters demanding to ban materials from our sites to our German [service] providers. So don't be surprised that for me this is a day of personal victory. Vendetta is such a sweet word, I'll tell you."

In justifying the ban, the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) said in a statement that "Russian security agencies are waging a hybrid war against the Ukrainian population, using in their special information operations Internet resources such as VK, Odnoklassniki, Mail.ru, and so on."

Andrei Soldatov, a Russian cybersecurity expert, told RFE/RL that "it is true that VK is extremely intrusive and known to be cooperative with the FSB," a reference to Russia's Federal Security Service and main successor to the KGB. But he argued that most Ukrainian users "cannot pose a security risk" as ordinary citizens "have no access to secrets."

Rather than risk public outrage, Soldatov said, Ukraine could have limited usage of those sites to military and officials with security clearances. Another option, he said without endorsing it, would have been to take a page from Russia's playbook and require the sites to store Ukrainians' personal data on Ukrainian soil.

But How To Ban?

At the time of publication, all of the banned sites were still accessible in Ukraine.

Ukraine had no legal mechanism in place for blocking the Internet resources listed in the ban when Poroshenko signed the decree, according to an SBU statement, leaving it and other law enforcement agencies scrambling to recommend the necessary changes in Ukrainian law.

Mykhaylo Chaplyhya from the Ukrainian Human Rights Ombudsperson's Secretariat told the UNIAN news agency that no website may be blocked in Ukraine without a court order.

Failure to comply with the order may result in fines equal to 100-200 tax-free minimum incomes of citizens, according a statement published on the site of the National Commission for the State Regulation of Communications and Informatics.

Some ISPs, including Ukraine's largest fixed-line operator, Urktelecom, said on May 17 that they had already begun to implement the ban, according to the Interfax-Ukraine news agency.

"Work will be carried out in stages and, according to specialists' preliminary estimate, will take several days, up to a week," Interfax quoted Urktelecom as saying.

If or when access to the targeted sites ceases, experts say it will be easy to skirt the block, as virtual private networks (VPNs) are readily available in Ukraine.

Not skipping a beat, VK sent Ukrainian users a message late on May 16 with a link to instructions on how to use such tools to circumvent the block.

"We love our Ukrainian users and want you to always stay in touch with friends and family," the company said.

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Public Sharply Divided Over Ukraine's Ban On Russian Social Networks - RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty