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Congratulations To Bolivarian Socialism - Venezuela's Breakfast Now Costs More Than A Day's Work Forbes Again, we should extend our congratulations to President Maduro and the Chavistas who have done so much to improve Venezuela's economy in recent years. They've managed to get the cost of a day's breakfast up over the amount earned by a full day's ...

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Congratulations To Bolivarian Socialism - Venezuela's Breakfast Now Costs More Than A Day's Work - Forbes

Just before she launched a panel discussion titled From the Bund to Bernies Campaign, moderator Elaine Leeder laid a little joke on the audience: Its only in a place like Berkeley, she said, that you could get a hundred Jews on a Saturday to talk about socialism.

Given that the panel was part of a conference called From the Bund to the Bern: Yiddish Socialism for the 21st Century, its no surprise the joke drew laughs.

Leeders panel came at the end of a day exploring the history of Jewish involvement in 20th-century socialist politics, and how that history sheds light on the modern progressive movement.

Held at Berkeley City College, the event was co-sponsored by the Workmens Circle/Arbeter Ring and Lehrhaus Judaica. Leeder and Diana Scott, who has chaired the Northern California branch of the Workmens Circle for nine years, organized the agenda.

The Workmens Circle/Arbeter Ring was founded in 1900 to promote social justice and a secular Jewish identity rooted in community engagement, with the Northern California branch founded in 1948. Although nearly 70 people had preregistered for the Feb. 25 event, around 100 showed up, Leeder estimated a big number for the venerable left-leaning Jewish organization.

The conference included talks on topics such as the Jewish Labor Bund in interwar Poland and divides in the Yiddish-speaking socialist movement. Scott led a breakout session on socialism and Jewish cultural autonomy. For presenters, the conference gave them a chance to illuminate details of a progressive Jewish past most people today know little about.

Today those legacies are still with us, if we realize it or not, said Tony Michels, professor of American Jewish history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, whose keynote address explored how the Russian Revolution shaped American Jewish politics.

Apparently, many conference attendees were still feeling the Bern, as in Bernie Sanders.

Running like a current through the days discussions was how the 2016 Democratic presidential candidate impacted todays progressive Jewish left. Sanders even sent a letter to the Workmens Circle that was read aloud during the conference, noting he was delighted that you are gathering to discuss the relevance of democratic socialism.

The message Bernie has is so relevant, and comes from a legacy of Jewish activism.

Barbara Epstein, professor emerita in the History of Consciousness Department at UC Santa Cruz and an expert on the history of social movements, gave a talk on the early left and Zionism in Europe. She drew a line connecting the long tradition of Jewish socialist humanism and the Sanders campaign. It seems to me that thats what Bernie was representing, she said.

The message Bernie has is so relevant, and comes from a legacy of Jewish activism, said attendee Deborah Israel of Oakland.

Carol Sanders, first cousin of the Vermont senator, also attended the event. Like others there, the Berkeley resident said she learned a lot about a topic she previously had been aware of only in broad outlines. Its something I didnt know much about, but it was part of the zeitgeist, she said of the gathering.

Audience members agreed on the strength of a politically progressive element in their Jewish identity. Its in our DNA, said attendee Clara Davis of Oakland.

As the day wound down, talk turned to practical measures, such as finding out which congressional representatives to target and how to talk to generations younger than the decidedly older cohort at the conference.

Josh Kob, a union representative for the California Teachers Association, was one of the younger people in the room. He had driven from Fresno to be there.

For Jews, understanding where we came from is a huge motivator, he said.

Although much of the day dealt with history, the most-discussed topic among attendees was the urgency of todays political climate under the Trump administration and ways in which the legacy of Jewish socialism could be relevant more than 100 years after the founding of the Workmens Circle.

Its really how we build who we are, going forward, on progressive Jewish values, Scott said.

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Big crowd still feeling the Bern at Jewish socialism confab - Jweekly.com

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By Aidan Mattis

Speaking to the Penn StateStudent run, and independent media siteThe Underground,Jesse RyanthePresident of the Young Democratic Socialists chapter, had harsh words about the pro-freedom organization. Citing a Twitter dispute with PSU TPUSA President Kylie Thomas, Ryan said that when seeking new members, they would preferably [stay] away from the Turning Point USA table. Ryans group also called the capitalist, small government organization LGBT-phobic due to a tweet from the Ohio State chapter of TPUSA. Despite the fact that Thomas herself is bisexual, and the chapter in question is not at Penn. State, notOhio State, Ryan persisted in calling the chapter of TPUSA homophobic.

Speaking about a picture tweeted by OSUs chapter of TPUSA, in which a student wears a T-shirt with an image of Che Guevara with the text Socialism is for F*gs, Ryan said that the comment was just not anything productive. It was filled with homophobia.

TPUSA at OSU responded, saying We apologize to those who found the T-Shirt offensive. The actual saying on the shirt is Socialism is for Figs, but it is challenging to read in the picture.

Penn. States Turning Point USA has been pursuing an opportunity to debate YDS on the merits of capitalism versus socialism, yet has been continuously frustrated by the leftist groups refusal to do so. Ryan cited concerns in dealing with the libertarian-leaning nonpartisan TPUSA, stating that When you have a very sensitive title like us, you have to have a very logical, analytical approach when youre talking to people like that [TPUSA]. Ryan was referencing TPUSAs executive board, who have a table set up in the campus HUB every Tuesday. People might just come up and start ripping up signs, Ryan finished.

Ironically, PSUs TPUSA chapter has struggled with peopleripping up signs and having their materials unceremoniously dispersed, as a leftist leaning journalist named Terri Thomas (of no relation to the former Thomas)did exactly that to the groups table in early February.

At anothermeeting, Ryan told hisclub about a back and forth with Kylie Thomas on Twitter. Citing what he believed to be a more of a screaming match than an actual debate, he remarked that [He] just really think[s] its a testament to what would actually happen if [YDS] actually debated [Turning Point USA]. Ryans excuses have frustrated members of the Turning Point chapter.

Further excusing his club from participating in debate, Ryan explained that Debates are really about who screams the loudest and who talks the fastest Ryan made no effort to reach out to other members of the Turning Point USA chapter at the school, and has yet to speak with Kylie Thomas, relying solely on the YDS chapter Twitter to communicate. Ryans comments about TPUSA at PSU being homophobic have yet to see any official response from the pro-capitalism group.

This incident at Penn State represents a growing trend in millennial politics, in which the left would rather shy away from debate and discussion than face the opposing side. By claiming that any interaction with the opposing ideology would be an uncivil screaming match, YDS has excused itself from the challenge of defending their ideas. To quote the infamous Milo Yiannopoulos, If you dont show up to defend your ideas, you lose. Thus, in this microcosm, this bout of political battle, Young Democratic Socialists has lost the skirmish.

debateohio statePenn. StateTPUSATurning Point USAYDSYoung Democratic Socialists

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Are the Penn. State Young Democratic Socialists Afraid to Debate TPUSA? - The Libertarian Republic

There is a direct lineage between the Occupy Wall Street movement, the enormous and historic contribution that Sen. Bernie SandersBernie SandersMoral outrage shrouds reality of Russian hacking case Left wing protests only strengthen the Right Sanders, Occupy Wall Street and the liberal Tea Party surge MORE (I-Vt.) made in the 2016 presidential campaign, and what some call the progressive Tea Party movement that, along with other Americans, has besieged Republican officeholders at town meetings across America.

The Sanders campaign for president was a defining moment in American political history one that has continuing impact on his work in the Senate today, the creation of groups such as Our Revolution that supports his agenda, and Sanders's coming role in the 2018 midterm elections and the 2020 presidential campaign.

The continuing power of the Sanders movement results from the fact that not only did he inspire a large number of citizens to participate in politics, but revolutionized campaign finance by inspiring small donors. Those donors broke the old politics paradigm of seeking large contributions and special interest money that usually paid for consultant-driven negative television ads.

In 2016 Sanders inspired, motivated and organized a continuing political movement based on progressive ideas, institutional reform and the kind of dramatic change that voters hunger for.

Before the Sanders campaign, there was the Occupy Wall Street movement, and today, there is the so-called progressive version of the Tea Party movement reminiscent of the movement that brought conservatives and Republicans to power beginning in the 2010 midterms.

The Occupy Wall Street movement, which I strongly supported and continue to support, was a frontal challenge to the power exercised by the 1 percent, who do so at the expense of the 99 percent who are the heart and soul of America.

The mistake many Democrats made, including the Obama White House, was that they felt threatened by Occupy Wall Street. After all, President Obama was not elected in 2008 to name Timothy Geithner, a close ally of the largest financial institutions of the world, as his Treasury secretary. But Obama did.

The mistake Occupy Wall Street made understandably so, but still a tactical mistake was to respond by rejecting involvement in electoral politics.

Sanders and his campaign filled this gap, brought together grassroots action and direct political involvement, and brought large numbers of new people into politics who remain active and engaged in politics today.

The continuing Sanders movement embodied by Our Revolution is critical to the future of American politics, and the so-called liberal Tea Party movement is similar and also important by forcing Republican officeholders to publicly answer questions they would rather duck at town meetings.

With two critical elections approaching in 2018 and 2020, it is important to fully understand and act on the differences between presidential elections and midterm elections just as I mentioned in my last column on the anti-Trump wave that could define the midterm elections in 2018.

In the 2020 presidential election, Democrats and all Americans will have the opportunity to elect a transforming progressive president. In the midterm elections, though, the prime directive is to elect the progressive and moderate Democrats needed to put a brake on the power of President Trump and the Republican Congress.

The anti-Trump wave extends far beyond the traditional Democratic base. It includes the huge number of Americans who now realize they will be hurt by repeal or destruction of ObamaCare; the huge number of Americans who are angered and fearful of attacks against a free press; those appalled by the key members of the Trump administration who bear false witness about meetings with the Russians who attack our democracy; and those who reject the "swamp" in Washington that has actually gotten worse, since a number of Trump officials embody the special interests of political "swamp" Trump falsely claimed he would drain.

Democrats and progressives have an opportunity in 2018 to restore and widen our traditional coalition, maintain the momentum of the Sanders movement, inspire voters who stayed home in 2016, and end the one-party monopoly of power that the GOP now holds.

This will require supporting progressive Democrats and also supporting moderate, red-state Democrats, and, above all, finding new and appealing challengers to take the fight to Republicans in every district and state across the nation.

Brent Budowsky was an aide to former Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-Texas) and former Chief Deputy Majority Whip Bill Alexander (D-Ark.). He holds an LL.M. degree in international financial law from the London School of Economics. He is a longtime regular columnist for The Hill and can be contacted at brentbbi@webtv.net.

The views of contributors are their own and not the views of The Hill.

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Sanders, Occupy Wall Street and the liberal Tea Party surge - The Hill (blog)

March 1, 2017 AtlantaIf this was a Trump-era reprise of the tea party, it was a distinctly less energized one than eight years ago, when a horseback Paul Revere delighted a huge crowd of self-described patriots outside the Georgia Capitol.

On Monday in Atlanta, veteran tea party organizers were among about 150 people who gathered to wave placards, including one depicting fake news media personalities with their hair on fire while President Trump smiles in the background.

On Feb. 25, Mr. Trump had tweeted, Maybe the millions of people who voted to MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN should have their own rally. It would be the biggest of them all!

But the Atlanta rally, though festive, portrayed an oddly subdued optic for a president who has repeatedly measured his popularity not by polls but by crowd sizes. Similar events in Louisiana and Colorado, part of a wave of some 70 "Spirit of America" rallies this week, also had only modest attendance in contrast with the large, rowdy crowds that have turned out to protest the Trump administration.

While the largest gatherings are expected Saturday, the relatively small turnout of these pro-Trump rallies so far underscores concern that the largely white, middle-class conservatives who led an insurgency against the Washington establishment have yet to demonstrate as much strength in empowering Mr. Trump and other outsiders now that they're in government.

In some ways, that's only natural, say experts.

Protests, even rallies, are tactics by people feeling disenfranchised the tea party worked largely because the Democrats had the White House and Congress so it makes sense now that the resistance [to Trump] movement is the one gaining traction, says University of Maryland sociologist Dana Fisher, who studies social movements and civic participation. So it seems a bit of a rookie move to call people to go to the streets to support you when you have all the power, because that strategy is hard to be successful at.

But those allied with the tea party movement defend the somewhat counterintuitive bid by the tea party movement to essentially "make the establishment great again after spending the bulk of eight years knocking it down. We are now in a position to be a positive working force for this country, says B.J. Van Gundy, a former state GOP vice chair.

Eight years after at least 30,000 people took to the streets and 1,000 tea party groups bloomed in the wake of President Obamas election and the 2008 Wall Street bailout, the tea party can in many ways claim not just Trump the bull-in-a-china-shop outsider who speaks of a leaner American government but a broader ideological victory. It has transformed the Republican Party while pushing the Democrats to the margins of power, except in the big cities.

Yet the mood at Mondays Atlanta rally was less euphoric than defensive.

Tea Party Patriots founder and national political coordinator Jenny Beth Martin said complacency could lead to disappointment for conservatives, given a rising opposition tide. We cant just step back and expect Trump to make it all happen by himself, she says.

To tea party leaders like Georgia state Sen. Josh McKoon, the movement's message is relevant not just in support of Mr. Trump, but also the continued necessity to keep both parties honest.

After all, he says, the tea party rose up as a Republican insurgency and succeeded even as similar movements on the left, including Occupy Wall Street and the Bernie Bros largely failed, at least electorally.

This push to protect basic rights for Americans is not controversial, and the vast majority of people are with us, says Senator McKoon. But they need encouragement. This goes deep, and its beyond any single party.

Nevertheless, the tea party and Trump, some activists admit, are hardly a perfect fit. Trumps policies threaten to drive up national debt, which the tea party sought to slash. And his administration has vowed to reassert federal authority on states rights issues like marijuana legalization.

At the same time, We cant have purity tests when it comes to politics, says Mr. Van Gundy, who helped usher tea party candidates into the Georgia legislature. Trump is headed in the right direction on a lot of things.

After Trumps speech to Congress on Tuesday night, the Tea Party Express issued a statement saying that their usual annual rebuttal to the president's address wasn't necessary because Trump essentially did their work for them.

President Trump delivered an eloquent address, where he clearly and deliberately laid out his conservative vision for America, the statement said. "It should now be clear to everyone that the Tea Party movement is more than rallies and protests. We have arrived in D.C., through our elected representatives, to fulfill our mission and finally rein in government."

Indeed, political scientists say the sparse attendance at Trump rallies underscores that theres not much energy on the right, because their grass-roots are kind of satisfied O.K., we got our guy in there, and weve got Congress while the reluctant Trump voters are trying to absorb all this and figure out what it means, says Emory University political scientist Alan Abramowitz. Meanwhile, [many Republicans] dont realize they might be in trouble.

In Georgias hotly contested Sixth Congressional District, for example, Trump beat Hillary Clinton by only 1 percentage point, a potential problem since its a conservative-leaning suburban district.

Add the galvanizing effect of constituent town halls on many voters, and that's created an opening for Jon Osoff, a 30-something Democrat with what the Daily Beast's Patricia Murphy calls an economy-first pragmatism buttressed by unqualified support for liberal causes.

Conservatives in office find themselves pressured by town halls, and the trouble such voter discontent may spell for 2018 midterm elections.

Rep. Darrell Issa (R) of California, usually a conservative bulldog, pushed for a substantial investigation into Russian election interference despite Trump's dismissal of such claims as unfounded. In a recent US News & World Report piece, Yale University political scientist John Stoeher saw in that decision aa sign of concern about a looming pushback at the voting booth. Mr. Issas district, Mr. Stoeher pointed out, is on the outskirts of Los Angeles and ... dramatically favored Clinton.

But now that the populist movement spawned by the tea party finds itselfin power, critics would be remiss by reading too much into low attendance at such events, political scientists say.

More telling is whether a revived tea party can turn itself into a relevant counter-movement to what Ms. Fisher, the University of Maryland sociologist, says is a building resistance from the left to the new Trump establishment.

Counting numbers does tell you some things, including that getting 150 people out to support an incumbent administration on a Monday is a fair amount, says Michael Heaney, a political sociologist at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. The key thing is that its an opportunity for people to talk to one another and build a political organization. Its really about how these rallies feed into their ability to plan future events.

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Tea party's bid to 'make the establishment great again' - CSMonitor ... - Christian Science Monitor