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President Trump has thrown down a major challenge for the tea party and its congressional bloc, known as the Freedom Caucus. He is proposing to Congress a massive budget-busting plan that increases military spending by a whopping $54 billion, slashes domestic programs, and leaves Social Security and Medicare intact. And a significant tax cut will soon be on the way.

This presents a crucial test to the tea party movement that has reshaped American politics since 2008. The most obvious challenge is that Trump has chosen to leave Social Security and Medicare alone, two of the biggest components of the federal budget and two prime targets for conservatives like Speaker Paul Ryan.

Trump is going to assure Congress that the draconian cuts to domestic programs like the Environmental Protection Agency, reductions which tea party Republicans love, will balance out the huge increase in military spending. But the reality will be different.

President Ronald Reagan learned in the early 1980s that cutting government programs is extremely hard in practice. When Reagan slashed income taxes and boosted military spending, promising to balance the budget with domestic cuts, he failed. Reagan also backed away from cuts to Social Security and Medicare when he faced a political backlash for trying.

In the end, deficits skyrocketed in the 1980s. Reagan faced a Democratic House. Yet we have seen that Trump is already learning how hard it is to cut government, even in a moment of united partisan control, as he backs away from eliminating increasingly popular parts of the Affordable Care Act. In his speech to Congress, he also promised to move forward with a $1 trillion infrastructure bill, which surely won't sit well with fiscal conservatives in his party.

Finally, this increase in military spending is a significant expansion of the federal government. While tea party Republicans might want to distinguish national security from the rest of government, in reality if they swallow this proposal they are revealing that conservatism really is about what kind of government to support, not whether big government is bad.

Tea party Republicans insisted that they would be different and for much of the time that they have had representation in Congress since 2008 they have been true to the word. They have been an intensely ideological coalition, insisting on a commitment to purity on policy that left the Obama administration deeply frustrated and tied up in knots.

Added to all this is the curveball that the president threw when he announced that he is open to immigration reform that would allow a large number of undocumented immigrants to remain in the country. Despite his continued attacks on undocumented immigrants in his address, the mere mention of a proposal to liberalize policy is anathema to many Tea Party Republicans who represent constituencies that are sympathetic to hardline anti-immigration sentiment.

The Republicans went to great lengths to fight Obama on spending cuts. When Obama sought compromise, they stood their ground in the budget battles of 2011, threatening to send the federal government into default. Hawkish Republicans were equally frustrated with their tea party colleagues when Congress could not reach agreement on spending in 2013 and as a result of the rules put into place in 2011, forced the implementation of budget sequestration that imposed caps on military and not domestic spending.

When Republican leaders like former Speaker John Boehner showed that they were willing to give even an inch to the Democrats, the tea party toppled them from power.

The current Speaker, Paul Ryan, has built much of his career around promising tea party Republicans that he would move forward with "entitlement reform" (meaning Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid cuts) despite the political risks. He has been a zealot on this issue and hoped that this moment of unified government would offer an unprecedented opportunity. A frustrated Speaker Ryan, who said after the election that Trump had a "mandate," has now warned: "I've been a big time entitlement reformer for a long time because if you don't start bending the curve in the out years, we are hosed."

By supporting Trump, tea party Republicans would also put themselves on the record as being in favor of big increases in certain kinds of government spending.

Tea party Republicans will soon discover that President Trump's budget doesn't really add up. They will be receiving numbers from a Republican administration, which generally is sympathetic to their goals on most major issues, that will contradict their promise to the reddest constituents that they would hold firm on the anti-government cause. Jim DeMint, the former South Carolina senator, said, "America cannot wait any longer before we get serious about balancing the budget."

Trump is putting the Republican Party in a difficult spot at a moment of united government that could easily have turned into a period of triumph. If tea party Republican members of Congress swallow what the President has sent them, they will quickly reveal to their supporters that they are as craven and opportunistic as anyone else in Washington. They will place themselves at risk to be "tea partied" out of office and they will greatly damage their own credibility with the electorate in the coming election cycle.

If they hold to principle, as they did under President Obama, then the Republicans as a party will be facing a dangerous moment. A Republican President, who has shown that he doesn't have much loyalty when it comes to people getting in the way of his success, will be facing off against a huge portion of the congressional Republicans. The Freedom Caucus, with about 32 votes, has the numbers in the House to tie up the administration.

Will Republicans unite and make the most of their control of Congress and the White House? Or will many of them remain true to their small government philosophy and risk war with a White House that wants to reshape Washington?

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Trump throws down a huge challenge to the tea party | Election ... - Arizona Daily Star

After accusing German Chancellor Angela Merkel, on the campaign trail, of "ruining Germany" by welcoming refugees, US President Donald Trump will have his first face-to-face meeting with the German leader at the White House on Tuesday.

The two are expected to discuss strengthening the NATO alliance, collaborating in the fight against terrorism and taking steps to resolve the conflict in Ukraine, White House officials said Friday.

More broadly, Trump's first encounter will be aimed at building a personal rapport with a European partner who was among former President Barack Obama's strongest allies and international confidantes, according to the officials, who briefed reporters on condition of anonymity despite the president's recent criticism of anonymous sources.

They are expected to discuss Germany's level of defense spending for the NATO alliance, the Ukraine conflict, Syrian refugees, the European Union and a host of other issues, said three senior administration officials who briefed reporters.

"My expectation is that they'll have a very positive, cordial meeting," said one of the officials.

Trump has long expressed a desire for warmer US relations with Russia but some of his top Cabinet officials are skeptical.

"The president will be very interested in hearing the chancellor's views on her experience interacting with Putin," said another official. "He's going to be very interested in hearing her insights on what it's like to deal with the Russians."

NATO and defense spending

White House officials said Trump would also discuss the need for NATO members to increase their defense spending.

"We are heartened by the German government's determination to reach NATO's benchmark of committing 2 percent of GDP to defense by 2024," the official said. "The president believes that all allies must shoulder their share of the defense burden."

In 2014 NATO's 28-member countries committed to reaching the spending target within a decade but only the US and four other members of the post-World War II military alliance are in compliance.

Trump referred to NATO as "obsolete" prior to his inauguration. Buthe has since told European leaders he agrees on the "fundamental importance" of the alliance.

Last month US Vice President Mike Pence reassured European leaders on the US commitment to NATO. German MEP David McAllister told DW that Pence's words were reassuring.

Many European allies have been rattled by Trump's positive statements about Putin and next week's meeting will come amid questions about Trump associates' connections to Russia.

Climate change

The White House said Trump and Merkel might also discuss the Paris accord on climate change. Trump vowed during his campaign to withdraw from the climate agreement, suggesting that global warming is a hoax created by the Chinese.

But the administration is still formulating its policy on the issue ahead of the G7 meeting in Italy in May.

bik/se(AP, Reuters)

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Trump and Merkel to talk NATO, Ukraine and climate change - Deutsche Welle

Winnipeg Sun

Ukraine's humanist for freedom Winnipeg Sun This month Ukrainians around the world and in the Ukrainian Canadian community will be acknowledging one of the greatest literary figures of Ukrainian literature, an artist, a philosopher and a champion for freedom a person who has maintained a ... Taras Shevchenko: The fight for justice is the fight for Ukraine's futureKyiv Post all 2 news articles »

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Ukraine's humanist for freedom - Winnipeg Sun

As is customary following inaugurations, new presidents telephone various world leaders among their first official acts in office. So early on Donald Trump rang up Vladimir Putin. The very next day, Russian forces intensified military action upon the Ukrainian city of Avdiivka. Was this a simple coincidence or something more sinister?

While the Trump administration deals with an increasing number of obvious foreign policy headaches, the forgotten war in the Ukraine looms large. This conflict has already claimed 10,000 dead and displaced 1.7 million others from their homes on the southeastern border with Russia; and the world media has largely failed to even cover it as the conflict escalates. In Avdiivka alone, Russian artillery and rocket attacks have left 16,000 civilians without basic necessities in sub-zero temperatures. Another 17,000 people have fled there since April, 2014.

Experts say that Russias intent is to sabotage a February 2015 cease-fire with the Ukraine by provoking a major government counter-attack. More than 500 Ukrainian soldiers have been killed since then, and another 3,000-plus wounded following over 11,000 Russian cease-fire violations. American and European Union sanctions against Moscow have had little impact, while western calls for a stoppage of hostilities have been largely ignored.

All this comes during President Trumps call for improved relations with Russia.

Yet despite Trumps best efforts, Putins Eastern European strategy and his continued escalation of military activity in Ukraine are clear tests of American resolve. And no attempt at goodwill alone on the part of Trump will lessen Moscows pursuit of past glory in reconstructing its former Soviet empire. So, why should we be concerned?

Following Putins annexation of Ukraines Crimean Peninsula and his subsequent invasion of eastern Ukraine in 2014, countries across Eastern Europe began efforts to build up their conventional military capabilities against a similar threat from the Russians. According to Nolan Peterson of The Daily Signal, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia each came to this realization after it became apparent they could no longer depend on the U.S. or NATO to maintain their security. Unlike the United States, they are well aware that they are viewed by Russia as former territories of the Soviet Union, and thus still coveted as part of the Russian Bears centuries-old domination of the region.

According to the well-respected British intelligence and defense firm, IHS Janes, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia (all members of NATO) increased their combined military spending from $210 million to $390 million from 2014 to 2016. By 2018, the total is expected to reach $670 million with no end in sight. Despite such flashpoints as North Korea, Iran and Syria, Janes states that military spending in the Baltic region is growing faster than anywhere else in the world. And Russia itself increased military spending by 28.6 percent in 2015; their largest hike since 2002. The natural danger is that a wider conflict could spread across Eastern Europe; ultimately drawing in the United States. And history records that World War I was precipitated in this region of the world following the assassination of Austrian Archduke Ferdinand in Serbia.

Despite the fact that NATO plans to deploy four combat battalions in Poland and the Baltics in 2017, this fact has not deterred Putin from harassing American military ships and planes, launching assorted cyberattacks/propaganda at the U.S and within the countries at risk, and massively increasing Russias presence in Syria. In addition, a Russian intelligence gathering ship was recently identified 70 miles off our east coast, while it was confirmed that Moscow has secretly deployed cruise missiles inside its borders in violation of a 1987 U.S./Russian treaty.

These acts have also not gone unnoticed across Eastern Europe. As a result, civilian militias have sprung up inside the Baltic states. Lithuania has reinstituted a military draft and issued to its citizens a manual on guerilla warfare. Estonias civilian Defense League now holds weekend military training for 25,000 volunteers. And in places such as Sweden and Finland, mistrust of Russia runs high as well.

Historically, Moscow has always taken advantage of weakness on the part of its adversaries to increase its power and influence. Ronald Reagan understood this completely and once famously uttered the old Russian proverb, Trust, but verify, in characterizing U.S.-Russian relations. Clearly, this was advice that Barack Obama, and George W. Bush to a lesser degree, ignored to our countrys detriment. The sooner President Trump comes to acknowledge its truth in his dealings with Russia, the better off Eastern Europe, and ultimately, the United States will be.

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Mark Figley is a political activist and guest columnist from Elida. Reach him a [emailprotected]

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Mark Figley: Forgotten war in the Ukraine looms large - Lima Ohio

This report is for the media and the general public.

The SMM recorded more ceasefire violations in both Donetsk and Luhansk regions compared with the previous reporting period. In Pikuzy two 82mm mortar rounds impacted near the SMM. It observed damage from shelling in Sartana, Luhanske and Borivske. The Mission continued monitoring the disengagement areas in Stanytsia Luhanska, Petrivske and Zolote but its access remained restricted.* The SMM saw weapons in violation of withdrawal lines on both sides of the contact line. The sides prevented the Mission from monitoring the withdrawal of weapons on four occasions. The Mission continued to monitor the blockade of routes crossing the contact line at three locations. The SMM visited two border areas currently not under government control in Marynivka and Novoborovytsi. In Odessa the SMM followed up on reports of vandalism against a bank.

In Donetsk region, the SMM recorded moreceasefire violations,[1]including about 1,260 explosions, compared with the previous reporting period (680 explosions). Over three quarters of the explosions were recorded during the night of 9-10 March in areas west and north-west of Donetsk city.

On the night of 9-10 March, while in DPR-controlled Donetsk city centre the SMM heard 379 undetermined explosions 3-5km west and 69 undetermined explosions 6-10km north-west.

During the day of 10 March, the SMM camera in government-controlled Avdiivka (17km north of Donetsk) recorded 46 undetermined explosions and one airburst, mostly 2-5km south-east of the camera location. Positioned in Avdiivka for about four and a half hours, the SMM heard 14 undetermined explosions 2-4km east and 90 undetermined explosions 1-10km south-east. Positioned in DPR-controlled Yasynuvata (16km north-east of Donetsk) for about five hours the SMM heard 112 undetermined explosions 3-5km at directions ranging from south-west to south-east. Positioned in government-controlled Kamianka (20km north of Donetsk) for two and a half hours the SMM heard 19 undetermined explosions 5km south-west and 68 undetermined explosions 1km south.

On the evening of 9 March, while in DPR-controlled Horlivka (39km north-east of Donetsk) the SMM heard 52 undetermined explosions 8-12km south-west and 23 undetermined explosions 9-11km north-north-west.

On the evening of 9 March, while in government-controlled Svitlodarsk (57km north-east of Donetsk) the SMM heard 17 undetermined explosions, 120 bursts of heavy-machine-gun and small-arms fire, and 50 shots of anti-aircraft-gun (ZU-23) fire 2-4km at directions ranging from south-south-east to south-west. Aftermidnightof 9-10 March, while in the same location, the SMM heard eight explosions assessed as the impacts of 82mm mortar rounds 4km south and south-west. On the afternoon of 10 March, while in Svitlodarsk the SMM heard 37 explosions assessed as impacts of mortar rounds (22 as impacts of 82mm rounds, 15 of mortars of unknown calibre), ten explosions assessed as outgoing rounds from a 73mm infantry fighting vehicle (IFV) cannon, and three undetermined explosions, all 3-5km south-east and south-south-east.

During the evening of 9 March the SMM camera in Shyrokyne (20km east of Mariupol) recorded a total of seven undetermined explosions, 12 projectiles (eight in flight from east to west, three from west to east, and one from south-west to north-east), 80 tracer rounds (56 in flight from east to west, 23 from west to east and one from south-west-west to north-north-east), all beginning with four tracer rounds in flight from east to west and one undetermined explosion, all at unknown distances north and north-east. On the evening of 10 March, the same camera recorded nine explosions assessed as the impacts from unidentified weapons and one airburst 3-10km north, followed by 24 airbursts and seven undetermined explosions at unknown distances north.

Positioned in government-controlled Lebedynske (16km north-east of Mariupol) the SMM heard 12 explosions assessed as outgoing artillery rounds of unknown calibre at unknown distances east-north-east, and subsequently explosions assessed as their impacts at unknown distances north-east. Positioned at the same location, the SMM heard 135 explosions: nine explosions assessed as outgoing rounds from unidentified weapons at unknown distance east-north-east, seven explosions assessed as the impacts of rounds from unidentified weapons 1km east, and 119 undetermined explosions at unknown distance north-north-east, north-east and east-north-east.

Positioned on the western edge of DPR-controlled Pikuzy (formerly Kominternove, 23km north-east of Mariupol) while monitoring adherence to the ceasefire during repairs to gas pipelines, the SMM heard and felt the shockwaves of two explosions and saw the impacts of 82mm mortar rounds 30m north (See SMMSpot Report11 March 2017). The SMM immediately left the area.

In Luhansk region the SMM recorded more ceasefire violations, including about 420 explosions, compared with the previous reporting period (30 explosions). Most explosions were recorded on the early morning of 10 March in the western parts of the region.

On the early morning of 10 March, while in government-controlled Sievierodonetsk (74km north-west of Luhansk) the SMM heard over 340 undetermined explosions 25km south-south-east and 38 undetermined explosions 20km east-south-east.

During the day of 10 March, positioned 6km east of government-controlled Voronove (66km north-west of Luhansk), the SMM heard six undetermined explosions assessed as caused by 152mm artillery rounds 7-10km south. Positioned 3km south-west of government-controlled Krymske (42km north-west of Luhansk), the SMM heard five explosions assessed as the impacts of 82mm mortar rounds 2-3km south-west, and two undetermined explosions 5-6km south-west. Positioned in government-controlled Smolianynove (61km north-west of Luhansk), the SMM heard five explosions assessed as the impacts of artillery rounds of unknown calibre 15km south. Positioned in government-controlled Peredilske (24km north-west of Luhansk), the SMM heard three explosions assessed as the impacts of artillery rounds of unknown calibre 10-15km west. Positioned on the western outskirts of government-controlled Lobacheve (17km north-west of Luhansk), the SMM saw and heard one explosion assessed as the impact of an 82mm mortar round 1.5km south-west, that is on the southern bank of the Siverskyi Donets river.

The SMM followed up on reports ofdamage caused by shelling. On the north-western edge of government-controlled Sartana (15km northeast of Mariupol) the SMM observed six fresh craters in an open field 2km north-north-east of a Ukrainian Armed Forces compound, and assessed them as having been caused by multiple-launch rocket system (BM-21Grad,122mm) rounds fired from a south-south-easterly direction.

In DPR-controlled Luhanske (15km south-west of Donetsk) the SMM, accompanied by a Russian officer of the Joint Centre for Control and Co-ordination (JCCC) and a DPR member, observed 15 impact sites. On 7/1 and 7/2 Sadova Street, the SMM saw a fresh crater in the yard of a house, and assessed it as having been caused by a 152mm artillery round. The SMM observed the destroyed roof and wall of its kitchen outbuilding, and broken roofing tiles and rubble in the yard. On 41 Ushakov Street the SMM saw two fresh craters 10-15m from two inhabited houses. The SMM observed a greenhouse located 5m from one of the craters that had been completely destroyed and broken windows of both houses. On 26 Klubana Street the SMM saw about 30 small holes on the ground caused by shrapnel and shredded branches from a tree in the yard of a house. The SMM assessed that an airburst of an artillery round (with calibre higher than 122mm) had occurred at the spot. On the same street the SMM saw shrapnel damage to the west-facing faade of another house (two broken west-facing windows). The SMM assessed the damage as having been caused by an airburst. On 2/1 Sosnova Street the SMM observed three craters in and around a house two in its yard, and the third 30m south-west from the house. The SMM observed shrapnel damage to the west-facing windows, wall and roof of the house and its two outbuildings, and two broken north-facing windows. The SMM also saw a crater on the roadside of the same street, shattered branches of a tree nearby, and shrapnel damage to the faade of a house nearby. On the same street the SMM observed a crater 5m from a barn, four craters in a field nearby, and one crater in the garden of a house at 3/1 Sosnova Street. Several residents separately told the SMM that five of the afore-mentioned impacts had been caused by shelling that had occurred on the early morning of 10 March, and ten of those by shelling on the night of 5 March.

On the north-eastern outskirts of government-controlled Borivske (65km north-west of Luhansk) the SMM, led by Ukrainian Armed Forces personnel, observed two fresh craters in a wooded area, and assessed them as having been caused by 152mm artillery rounds. The SMM also saw that an electrical cable; located 2-3m from one of the craters, was dangling down from the pylon and assessed that it had been damaged by shrapnel.

The SMM continued tomonitor the disengagement process and to pursue full access to the disengagement areasof Stanytsia Luhanska (16km north-east of Luhansk), Zolote (60km west of Luhansk) and Petrivske (41km south of Donetsk), as foreseen in theFramework Decision of the Trilateral Contact Group relating to disengagement of forces and hardwareof21 September. The SMMs access remained restricted but the Mission was able to partially monitor them.*

Positioned in Petrivske the SMM heard one shot of small-arms fire 1-3km west-north-west (assessed as outside the disengagement area).

On the night of 8 March the SMM camera in the Zolote disengagement area recorded one undetermined projectile in flight from south to north 2-3km east (assessed as outside the disengagement area).

The SMM continued to monitor thewithdrawal of weapons, in implementation of the Package of Measures, its Addendum, and the Memorandum.[2]

In violation of the respective withdrawal lines, in areas not controlled by the Government, the SMM saw: three self-propelled howitzers (2S3_Akatsiya_, 152mm) in a firing position with their barrels oriented west near Khreshchatytske (formerly Krasnoarmiiske, 33km north-east of Mariupol); and four stationary tanks (T-64) near Veselohorivka (64km west of Luhansk).

In violation of the respective withdrawal lines in government-controlled areas the SMM saw: one anti-tank guided missile system (9M113Konkurs, 135mm) near Novotoshkivske (53km west of Luhansk); six towed howitzers (D-30, 122mm) in Bohoiavlenka (46km south-west of Donetsk); and 12 self-propelled howitzers (2S3Akatsiya, 152mm) in Zelene Pole (40km north-west of Donetsk).

Beyond withdrawal lines but outside storage sites the SMM saw 30-40 stationary tanks (type not identified) inside an agricultural compound and another tank (type not identified) in a training area in DPR-controlled Ternove (57km east of Donetsk).

Beyond withdrawal lines but outside storage sites, the SMM observed five tanks (T-64) near Zelene Pole.

The SMM observed weapons that could not be verified as withdrawn, as their storage did not comply with the criteria set out in the 16 October 2015 notification. In government-controlled areas beyond respective withdrawal lines the SMM saw: 12 self-propelled howitzers (2S1Gvozdika, 122mm), two of them for the first time; ten towed howitzers (2A36Giatsint-B,155mm); 61 tanks (T-64), 31 of them for the first time; five mortars (2B11Sani, 120mm); and two surface-to-air missile systems (9K33Osa, 210mm). The SMM noted as missing: 20 self-propelled howitzers (2S1), one of which was observed as missing for the first time; seven towed howitzers (2A36), one of which was observed as missing for the first time; six tanks (T-64); 26 mortars (13 2B11, five PM-38 120mm, two 2B9Vasilek, 82mm, six PM-42, 120mm) and six mortars (PM-120), which were observed missing for the first time.

The SMM observedarmouredcombat vehicles[3]in the security zone. In areas currently not under the control of the government the SMM saw: one armoured personnel carrier (APC) (MTLB) near Khreshchatytske; one stationary IFV (BMP) in LPR-controlled areas south of the Stanytsia Luhanska bridge (outside the disengagement area); one stationary APC (MTLB) near Lobacheve (13km east of Luhansk); and two stationary IFVs (BMP-1) near Lyman (12km north-west of Luhansk); three stationary IFVs (BMP-1) near Tsvitni Pisky (11km north of Luhansk).

In areas controlled by the government the SMM saw: 11 stationary IFVs (BMP-2) near Popasna (69km west of Luhansk) on 9 March; one stationary IFV (BMP-1) parked in the yard of a civilian house in Stanytsia Luhanska (outside the disengagement area); and one IFV (BMP-2) heading west near Krymske.

Aerial imagery revealed the presence of 18 armoured vehicles on 9 March, in DPR-controlled Svobodne (73km south of Donetsk), in a zone within which deployment of heavy armaments and military equipment is proscribed according to Point 5 of the Memorandum of 19 September 2014.

In government-controlled Zolote the SMM observed one set of eightanti-tank mines(TM-62M) on the sides of a road and another set of four anti-tank mines (TM-62M) on the sides of another road. No mine hazard signs were observed nearby.

In government-controlled Zolote the SMM, inco-ordination with the JCCC, monitored and facilitated demining activity. A Ukrainian officer of the JCCC told the SMM that demining works had been completed and that four pieces of unexploded ordnance (UXO) (rounds of RPG-7) had been successfully removed.

The SMM continued to monitor theblockade ofrailwayroutes that lead across the contact line.At railway crossings near the government-controlled towns of Hirske (63km west of Luhansk), Shcherbynivka (44km north of Donetsk) and Bakhmut (formerly Artemivsk, 67km north of Donetsk), the SMM continued to observe activists present at the blockade sites. An employee of the Debaltseve railway station (DPR-controlled, 58km north-east of Donetsk) told the SMM that since the blockage had started, the volume of freight transportation through that station had decreased by 50 per cent.

The SMM monitored twoborder areas currently outside government control. At the Marynivka border crossing point (78km east of Donetsk) the SMM* saw 25 civilian cars (at least one with DPR and one with LPR plates) in a queue to exit Ukraine, in under half an hour. The SMM spoke to seven people (four men and three women, all middle-aged) separately, all of which said that they mostly crossed to visit family and friends. At the Novoborovytsi pedestrian border crossing point (79km south of Luhansk), the SMM noted that it was unstaffed as observed on numerous occasions. There, in over an hour, the SMM saw two middle-aged women exit and one elderly woman enter Ukraine.

On 9 March the SMM followed up on media reports ofvandalism againsta bankin Odessa city that had allegedly occurred on 7 March. The SMM saw a poster placed on a column in front of the bank with negative messages related to the bank and residue from red paint that had apparently been thrown on the walls and pavement in front of the building. The SMM also saw a maintenance worker cleaning spray paint from the exterior wall.

The SMM continued monitoring in Kherson, Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Chernivtsi, and Kyiv.

Restrictions of SMMs freedom of movement or other impediments to fulfilment of its mandate

The SMMs monitoring and freedom of movement are restricted by security hazards and threats, including risks posed by mines, unexploded ordnance (UXO), and other impediments, which vary from day to day. The SMMs mandate provides for safe and secure access throughout Ukraine. All signatories of the Package of Measures have agreed on the need for this safe and secure access, that restriction of the SMMs freedom of movement constitutes a violation, and on the need for rapid response to these violations. They have also agreed that the JCCC should contribute to such response and co-ordinate mine clearance.

Denial of access:

Conditional access:

[1]Please see theannexed table**for a complete breakdown of the ceasefire violations as well as map of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions marked with locations featured in this report.*** Please see the section at the end of this report entitled Restrictions of SMMs freedom of movement or other impediments to fulfilment of its mandate.

[2]Despite the joint statement of1 Februaryby the Trilateral Contact Group andthe consent reached on 15 February,the sides have not yet provided the baseline information requested by the SMM related to weapons to be withdrawn and locations of units and formations.

[3]This hardware is not proscribed by the provisions of the Minsk agreements on the withdrawal of weapons.

For PDF attachments or links to sources of further information, please visit:http://www.osce.org/node/304741

Contacts:

Alexandra Taylor 26 Turhenievska Street 01054 Kyiv Ukraine mobile:+380 67 650 31 57 alexandra.taylor@osce.org

Mariia Aleksevych 26 Turhenievska Street 01054 Kyiv Ukraine office:+380 44 392 0832 mobile:+380 50 381 5192 mobile:+380 93 691 6790 mariia.aleksevych@osce.org

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Latest from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), based on information received as of 19:30, 10 ... - ReliefWeb