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Senate Minority Leader Charles Schumer (left) looked on as House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi spoke to reporters during a new conference on the GOP health care bill.

After railing against Republicans for years for being the party of no, Democrats these days are proudly wearing that label -- and members of the Democratic grassroots are demanding their leaders keep saying it.

And so it is. No to repealing Obamacare. No to practically everyDonald TrumpCabinet nominee. No to Trumps Supreme Court nominee. No to Trumps travel ban and whatever changes he makes to it. Over the weekend former US attorneyPreet Bhararaof New Yorkwas even praised by liberals because he said no, hewouldn't stop working for Trump.

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Democrats are united around no. Politically, no is an easy organizing principle. It is certainly easier than getting more people to say yes.

Just consider Obamacare. It was easy for Republicans to unite in opposition toit for years. (It was even difficult to get enough Democrats to pass the bill at the time.) It is much harder for Republicans now to craft a replacement bill that will have enough in their party saying yes.

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In fact, Democrats have little choice but to be the party of "no." First, they have no power in Washington to enact anything anyway. Second, the Democratic Party has become decentralized, without a major leader or a key issue to push. In other words, there is no consensus on what Democrats should say yes to, much less any power to do anything about it if they did.

So, "no" it is.

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Democrats wear the 'Party of No' label proudly (not that they really have a choice) - The Boston Globe

Lindsey Graham, the Republican senator from South Carolina, hasnt given up on immigration reform. He was in the Senate to watch comprehensive bills he favored fall apart in 2006, 2007, and 2013. He was one of the presidential candidates whom Donald Trump beat for the Republican nomination in 2016. Trump won that contest after saying he would deport all illegal immigrants over a two-year period.

QuickTake Immigration Reform

But Trump softened on the issue after winning the nomination, and Graham now thinks he can work with him to achieve many of the aims of those earlier bills. He isnt trying to revive comprehensive legislation one more time, but he also rejects the idea of tackling issues a la carte. If Republicans try to enact legislation that only increases enforcement of the immigration laws, he believes Democrats will block it.

Instead, he tells me, he favors a series of discrete deals.

The first one would combine ramped-up enforcement, starting with the bad dudes, and the legalization of illegal immigrants who came here as minors. Republicans are open to that legalization, he said, and it would be hard for Democrats to say no to securing the border and helping these 800,000 kids have a better life.

The second one would legalize adult illegal immigrants working in agriculture and tourism, and at the same time require employers to use the e-verify program to make sure all new hires are legal workers.

Third, Graham would legalize those remaining illegal immigrants who passed a background check and paid a fine. In return he wants to shift legal immigration toward recruiting people with high skills rather than reuniting extended families. The immigration system of the future would be merit-based, he says.

I opposed the previous bills that Graham supported, and Im not completely sold on this plan. But it has enough attractive elements to make me think that those of us who are more hawkish than Graham on immigration should consider it.

The earlier bills would have substantially increased immigration, and low-skilled immigrants would have made up much of the increase. Most Americans dont want that, and the economic case for it is weak. His current idea would not raise immigration levels.

Under earlier versions of comprehensive reform, illegal immigrants might have gotten legal status before effective enforcement measures were in place because, for example, those measures were tied up in court. In that case, legalization could have acted as a magnet for more illegal immigration, and we would remain stuck in a cycle of illegal immigration and amnesty. This three-step sequence would reduce this risk, because Congress would enact most of the legalization after enforcement had been implemented.

One reason advocates for illegal immigrants have opposed enforcement-first bills is that they have feared that Republicans would never get around to addressing their concerns once they got those bills enacted. Because Grahams first step would include the legalization of illegal immigrants who came here as minors, though, it might be taken as a sign of good faith.

As leery as congressmen are about trying to address immigration again, Graham believes that the expiration of President Barack Obamas executive order granting quasi-legal status to illegal immigrants who came here as minors will be a tripwire forcing action. Republicans dont want Trump to renew their status they said it was an abuse of power when Obama granted it but fear the political consequences of exposing them to deportation again. So they have an incentive to pass legislation granting legal status, but they will want to get something to make that legislation more congenial to conservatives.

The senator thinks he has one more thing going for him: the president. Heres the key: Trump can do something no other Republican can do on immigration, Graham said. What Trump can do is persuade the voters who are most concerned about illegal immigration that he is enforcing the law, and serious about making sure it is enforced in the future.

The fact that comprehensive reform got as far as it did in the past, Graham added, suggests that congressional majorities could be assembled for many of its components. All in all, he is more hopeful than most observers that a productive immigration compromise, or series of compromises, can be reached. For that to happen, many of the Republicans who blocked previous bills would have to come along.

What are the prospects of that? Grahams judgment: I believe the party will follow Trump if he leads.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story: Ramesh Ponnuru at rponnuru@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Jonathan Landman at jlandman4@bloomberg.net

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An Immigration-Reform Plan for the Age of Trump - Bloomberg

While no specific policy is yet under development, a loose coalition of like-minded Republicans on the Hill is having discussions, and feeling each other out on what types of deals they might be willing to lead, according to conversations with more than half a dozen sources close to the process.

The group is a mix of veterans of attempts to reform America's immigration laws in the previous administration and a handful of new faces who may choose to make immigration one of their signature issues.

The idea is simple: Be ready for a moment when both sides are willing to come to the table, likely after Trump feels he can already claim some victories on border security.

Trump swept into office on a hardline message on immigration. His campaign was largely based on strictly enforcing immigration laws and cracking down on undocumented immigrants -- policies he has made efforts to put in place since his first week.

Some believe that aggressiveness up front could be the key to a breakthrough down the road. They point to the fact that most conservatives cited concern that border security wouldn't get done and that President Barack Obama wouldn't enforce laws Congress passed as their primary obstacles in the past -- obstacles that Trump seemingly removes.

"I've been saying for several months that the President is going to be the person who's going to bring us together to fix the immigration problem," Idaho Republican Rep. Raul Labrador, a former immigration lawyer, told reporters in the Capitol earlier this month. Labrador stopped participating in previous bipartisan reform talks over a disagreement and heavily criticized executive actions on immigration by President Barack Obama.

"He's going to be like the 'Nixon going to China' moment," Labrador added, "where the person who was the loudest and the strongest on the problems that we face on immigration is also the person who can bring people together to solve all the other issues that we have on immigration."

Trump has also issued an olive branch of sorts to would-be reformers, saying in his joint address to Congress "real and positive immigration reform is possible," provided the goal is to help American jobs and wages, protect national security and engender respect for US laws. Earlier that day, a senior administration official had said Trump may be open to legalization for current undocumented immigrants, but Trump did not say that before Congress.

Either way, Trump will be an essential component of any progress.

If Trump were to throw his weight behind a compromise deal, it would likely pick up momentum. At the same time, were he to strongly oppose a deal, it could be a death knell. As one Republican lawmaker said privately, most lawmakers are fearful of a vicious Trump tweet directed their way to "blow them up."

In the past, immigration reform attempts have included a combination of efforts to secure the border, update and improve the laws for legal immigration visas, and an effort to resolve what to do about an estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants already living in the US.

The early conversations are largely happening on the House side -- where lawmakers expect immigration reform will need to begin after the failure of a Senate-led reform effort in 2013 to advance in the lower chamber.

But immigration-reform minded lawmakers are also increasingly looking at Sen. Thom Tillis to be a possible leader in the space. The North Carolina Republican was elected in 2014, missing the last fight over immigration, but has become recently outspoken about using his management consulting experience to try to get immigration reform done in Washington.

"We know most of the solutions, we need to figure out how to stage them, how to put them together in a package, how to silence the voices at either end of the political spectrum that are the reasons we haven't been successful in the past and solve the problem," Tillis said at a Bipartisan Policy Center event earlier this month.

Tillis suggested putting together pairs of compromises that satisfy both sides to gain momentum. He said he'd start with border security -- a key issue to conservatives -- and pair that with legislation codifying protections for undocumented immigrants brought to the US as children, covered under the Obama administration DACA program. From there, he said, deals could be made on visa reform and E-Verify, as well as enforcement against employers who abuse illegal immigration.

"So that to me is a classic example of a starting place," Tillis said. "(Steps) need to be paired with good common sense law and order and compassionate, rational policies for the people who are here illegally present, and I think that if we do that, then we start building the momentum to solve the problem."

Some think an early opportunity may arise this month, when the White House presents its budget request to Congress. Trump is expected to ask for money for his long-promised border wall, as well as implementing his executive orders calling for increased border security and enforcement capacity. That could be a window for DACA, some hope. Other optimistic estimates range from a possible opportunity late this year into next year, the second of Trump's term.

Convincing Democrats will be essential to any effort, and while Democratic lawmakers have long been eager to find a pathway to citizenship for and protect noncriminal undocumented immigrants already here, driving reform efforts int he past, Democrats also feel the need to stand up to Trump's policies and rhetoric.

On Monday, the top Senate Democrats led by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer sent a letter to Republican leadership saying that including any border wall funding in a must-pass continuation of government funding that expires in April could result in a government shutdown.

Privately, many Democrats feel that they would ultimately be willing to compromise with Republicans out of fear of Trump's policies and for the opportunity to get something done for a population they've long sought to protect. But publicly, the party insists it stands ready to come to the table only when Trump abandons his aggressive efforts to deport and detain undocumented immigrants.

"This is not Nixon goes to China," volunteered Arizona Democratic Rep. Ruben Gallego after Trump's joint address. "One, he's not that bright, and two not that committed. He's going to fumble it in one manner or another, and at the end of the day, as soon as he feels pressure from the right, he'll fold."

Continued here:
Moderates await, prep for window on immigration reform - CNN

College senior Ana Tobar has advocated for immigration reform since her freshman year at George Mason University in Washington, DC. Tobar, 21,a double major in global affairs and communication and an immigrant, herself, has often focused on finding allies to help empower undocumented students to achieve a university degree.

One way she has done so is by organizing training sessions to raise campus awareness about the financial and emotional struggles of students without immigration documents,hoping to stir empathy that might translate into action.

Since President Donald Trumps inauguration, though, the conversationhas shifted. It's become more pressing.

Now, people ask what it would look like if students dont have DACA anymore, said Tobar, referring to Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. The program, introduced by President Barack Obama in 2012, provides temporary relief from deportation for immigrants who entered the country illegally as minors.

There are more than 300 DACA beneficiaries at George Mason, said Tobar, president of the student group called the Mason Dreamers. It takes its name from the Dream Act, a separate piece of legislation to give students a pathway to citizenship. And Trumps promises to ramp up deportations have them worried, she said.

Related:President Trump, how will your administration deal with US-citizen children whose parents are deported?

Trump told a joint session of Congress last month that immigration reform must focus on the following goals: To improve jobs and wages for Americans, to strengthen our nation's security, and to restore respect for our laws.

Still, Tobar, who immigrated to the United States from El Salvador at age 5 and was naturalized two years ago, is not optimistic.

In the past two years, we felt as if weve been pushing and getting somewhere, she said. Lately, its like weve been pushing, and weve been pushed back 20 times. Its been hard on our community.

Related:A 19-year-old undocumented student authorized to be in the US was detained and then let go by federal agents

She is not the only one with questions about what immigration reform would look like under Trump.

This is the Trump administrations pattern, right stating theyre going to do something, but not stating how, said Martha Zavala Perez, a 25-year-old DACA recipient from California who attended Trumps speech to Congress as the guest of Rep. Julia Brownley (D-Calif.).

Perez, who teaches public speaking at California State University Channel Islands, said she would support legislation that takes into consideration the human impact of immigration enforcementbut Republicans have shown little interest in hearing from those who might be hurt.

It's as iftheidea that the undocumented community can even negotiate is preposterous, she said.Basic discourse tells us that in order for a law to be just, everyone must be at the table. But those of us impacted dont get a say.

Related:Weighing the risks of a 'sanctuary' campus

While Perez, who holds a masters degree in communication, would not have gotten through college and found a job in the US without DACA, immigration advocates recognize it is not a perfect solution for children brought to the United States without immigration documents; as an executive order, it can be rescinded easily.

What we keep pressing for is a permanent legislative solution, said Jacinta Ma, director of policy and advocacy at the National Immigration Forum.

Ma said it is possible to find bipartisan support for an immigration reform bill that supports immigrant rights to remain in the US. One example is a measure introduced by Florida Republican Rep. Carlos Curbelo on Friday, she added.

The bill proposes three paths to legal status for children brought to the United States unlawfully: enrolling in college, serving in the in the armed forces or obtaining valid work authorization.

But Curbelo's bill, like DACA before it, falls short, said Rodrigo Velasquez, a Mason Dreamers advisory board member.

Limiting legal status to those who attend college or complete military service, Velasquez said, ignores the barriers faced by immigrants without proper documents to complete high school, including a lack of access to resources, and, in general, poverty.

Velasquez said he was able to attend college only because of scholarships. But he doesn't think that legal status should be exclusive to those who've had the same opportunities he's had.

We believe that everyone should have a pathway to a status so they dont live in fear of deportation, detention and other abuses, he said.

While Trump has not explained what type of immigration reform he would support, Velasquez, 22, imagines the legislation would include increased border security, a Trump administration priority.

Velasquez, who graduated from George Mason University last spring with a degree in communication, said he could not personally support a measure that intensifies the military presenceat the southern border.

But given the divisiveness of the immigration debate, he recognizes its a concession his community may have to make, at least in the short term, to move forward.

Im willing to fight for my community, he said. If my community tells me this is something they genuinely want Ill listen to them, and Ill navigate the clash of my values and that legislation. But I will not end my advocacy, and Mason Dreamers wont end its advocacy until there is comprehensive reform.

Maryam Salehis a student journalist with Northwestern Universitys Washington, DC, reporting program.

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College 'dreamers' are unrelenting in fight for immigration reform - PRI

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Dozens of community members gathered in support of keeping undocumented immigrant families together on March 14th 2017.

Quad Cities Interfaith held a prayervigiloutsidethe Rock Island County Jail.

The group hopes to bring the community together and tostop deportation.

Local immigration leaders are calling to stop deportations and to work on immigration reform.

"We want to remind our elected officials that we are still waiting for immigration reform, immigration laws that are gonna be just and humane really is real important," says QCIImmigrationChair Margie Mejia-Carabello.

Faith leaders say they chose to hold the vigil at 4 p.m because that's the hour most children come home from school.

They say it's also a time where families with undocumented members fear the most.

"Believe it or not a lot of children come to an empty home. Either a parent or both parents have been deported and taken away," says Mejia-Carabello.

Speakers at the event included a testimonial from a DACA student, RI County NAACP President Berlinda Tyler-Jamison, and Sheriff Gerry Bustos.

Originally posted here:
Faith leaders hold prayer vigil for immigration reform - WQAD.com