Archive for March, 2017

All eyes on Dutch election as European alt-right gains momentum – The New Daily

UPDATE 6:30am Geert Wilders, leader of the Dutchalt-right Party for Freedom, and the closest challenger to topple two-term Prime Minister Mark Rutte, says the face of European politics is changed forever.

Voters took to the polls on Wednesday (AEDT) in a Netherlandselection widely viewed as a weather gauge of changeamid a continent-wide shift to the right and fears of a disintegration of the European Union.

A result in expected by noon Thursday (AEDT). The early turnout figure for the election was eight per cent higher than the 2012 election, Ipsos reported.

Prime Minister Ruttes right-wing VVD party led the polls ahead of the opening of the Dutch polling booths, but with strong support forMr Wildersanti-Islam Party for Freedom.

With elections in France and Germany scheduled for later this year already showing unprecedented support for far-right populism,political and financial observers are concerned bythe potential of a Trump-style shift away from traditional politics in favour of the emerging European alt-right.

The genie will not go back into the bottle. People feel misrepresented, Mr Wilders was quoted as saying by The Associated Pressas he cast his vote.

Despite what the elite wants, politicians are getting strong who have a totally different concept of what the people want them to do, he said.

Mr Rutte has portrayed himself as a safe custodian of the nations economic recovery throughout his campaign, whilecasting Mr Wilders as a far-right radical unprepared to make tough decisions.

With Britain now preparing itsexit from theEU and Scotland lobbying for another referendum on its future within the United Kingdom, the Netherlands election appears to offer the latest threat to an increasingly unstableEurope.

Mr Wildershaspledged to follow Britain by taking the Netherlands out of the European Union, as well as closing itsborders to immigrants from Muslim nations, shuttingmosques and banning the Quran.

Despite the popularity of Mr Wilders and his views, election observers give Party for Freedom only a slim chance of gaining power in a voting system that all but guarantees coalition governments.

France goes to the polls in May, when the far-rightNational Front led by MarineLePen is expected to go to a second round in the presidential election against the conservative Francois Fillon.

President Francois Hollande is not seeking re-election.

Ms Le Penwas one of the first politicians to congratulate Donald Trump on his election in the US, saying the property moguls ascension to power shows that people are taking their future back.

She is opposed to multiculturalism and has proposed that the children of illegal immigrants in France should be refused access to public schools.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel is tipped to win a fourth term at her countrys September election, but is expected to lose seats as the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany Party (AfD) has surged in the polls.

Support for the AfD soared afterthe December 2016 truck attack in Berlin, while Ms Merkelsopen door approach to the migrant crisis has cost her dearly.

Polling booths in the Netherlands close at 7am AEST.

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All eyes on Dutch election as European alt-right gains momentum - The New Daily

Alt-Right Redditors Have Tanked Amy Schumer’s Netflix Ratings for ‘The Leather Special’ – Splitsider

Amy Schumers new Netflix standup special The Leather Special debuted on the streaming network last week, and if you were to believe a lot of the news headlines today, Schumers fans really, really, really hate it. Outlets like Decider, Yahoo, and The Wrap are reporting that Netflix viewers have been slamming The Leather Special with hundreds of negative reviews. Heres an excerpt from Deciders report:

Decider reviewed all 876 Member Reviews of the special that are currently posted on Netflix.com, and the results are pretty grim: 33 subscribers gave it 5 stars, 17 gave it 4 stars, 22 gave it 3 three stars, 85 gave it 2 stars, 710 users give it 1 star, and 9 gave it zero stars. That makes the average rating for The Leather Special 1.35 stars. Schumers popularity has certainly seen better days.

Sadly, a chunk of these negative reviews can be attributed to misogyny female comics are frequently criticized for making certain jokes that men make all the time but a large percentage of these terrible reviews are being written by self-proclaimed Schumer supporters. Guess what? They are not happy.

Putting aside the argument over whether Schumers special is good or bad, its this bit of info from The Wraps report that should make anyones suspicion kick in before assuming these are fans or true critics of Schumer whoare slamming her:

The comedians hour-long special, titled Amy Schumer: The Leather Special, has received more than 900 ratings since it premiered a week ago. Thats more than double the number of reviews for Trevor Noahs special Afraid of the Dark, which premiered on Feb. 21.

A quick Reddit search particularly in the alt-right r/The_Donald subreddit tells a very different story than what the above outlets are reporting, with posts like this one and this one encouraging people to give Schumers 2016 book a bad review on Amazon, plus all of these calls to give her special a one-star review:

There was even a concerted push over at r/opieandanthony for people to leave negative replies to Jim Nortons tweet about the special, and unsurprisingly,tons of Redditors obliged. Let this all be a three-pronged lesson: Amy Schumer has to deal with a ridiculous amount of sexist bullshit on an everyday basis, reviews for Netflix standup specials arent really useful unless theyre used to attack or boycott someone,and going forward, when a standup special suddenly gets tanked by hundreds of negative online reviews from supposed fans, their legitimacy is probably worth double-checking over on Reddit, where said fanshave a whole lot more free time on their hands to attack and harass people than Amy Schumer.

UPDATE: Schumer responded to the news today on Instagram. Read her full statement below:

I am so proud of my special and grateful to all the people spreading love on line about it. I am the first female comic who is selling out arenas all over the world and so grateful for that. I am embarrassed for the journalists who report on trolls activities as if its news. Its indicative of administration right now. Anyone who reported that viewers arent happy with my special, it would have been cool if you did a moment of research before posting. The alt right organized trolls attack everything I do. Read the @splitsider article. They organize to get my ratings down. Meeting in sub Reddit rooms. They tried on my book and movies and tv show And I want to thank them. It makes me feel so powerful and dangerous and brave. It reminds me what Im saying is effective and bring more interest to my work and their obsession with me keeps me going. I am only alarmed by the people printing their organized trolling as news this is what the current administration wants. So this post has nothing against the trolls. I thank you trolls so much. It fills me with hope and power to see you all furiously posting so as always accuse me of whatever lies you want. Call me a whale. Call me a thief and I will continue to rise and fight and lead. I know who I am. I am strong and beautiful and will use my voice my whole time on this earth. Journalists do better its embarrassing. Trolls see you on the next one!

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Alt-Right Redditors Have Tanked Amy Schumer's Netflix Ratings for 'The Leather Special' - Splitsider

Depeche Mode: ‘We’re the most opposite’ of an alt-right band – USA TODAY

Andy Fletcher, left, Dave Gahan and Martin Gore of Depeche Mode.(Photo: Anton Corbijn)

Depeche Mode is back with itstimeliest work yet.

Take protest song Where's the Revolution, the lead single off the synth-rock trio's new albumSpirit (out Friday). "You've been lied to, you've been fed truths. Who's making your decisions?" frontman Dave Gahan hisses over blistering synths, urging listeners to question their religionand government. It's a searing statement from the British icons (including Martin Gore and Andy Fletcher), who recently denounced white nationalist Richard Spencer for calling them the "official band of the alt-right."

Gahan, 54, caught up with USA TODAY to discuss their latest:

Q: You've said that this isn't necessarily a political album, but was more or less inspired by what's going on globally.

A: A lot of these songs were written a good year and a half ago. ... (Last year), it seemed like you couldn't get away from this bizarre parade of oddballs all trying to claim their place to be the next president of the United States which, across the board, seemed so funny. That definitely rubs off on you. But it's other places in the world as well: the craziness in Syria and all the refugees. It's just like, "Wow, this is the world that we live in and we still can't figure out how to get on together?" All of that stuff found its way on to this record, this disillusionment.

Q: What specifically inspired Where's the Revolution?

A: That's one of Martin's songs, but we were both coming from the same place. Someone said to me recently, "I'm sure it's easy for you to say. You're successful, you've done well, I'm sure you live really well." And I said, "But that doesn't mean you stop caring about what's going on around you and the world your children are growing up in." I think Martin was really cleverly pointing the finger outside and saying, "Where is the revolution? Maybe that revolution needs to come from each individual;it comes from inside."

You've got to be able to change your thought patterns and ignore this constant fear that seems to be promoted by everybody in power: that you need to be afraid of these people or things. There's good and bad people all over the place, of all different races and religions. You can't single out a religion and say, "They're all bad people." It's ridiculous.

Q: What'd you make of Richard Spencer's "alt-right" remark?

A: It seemed to come out of such a left-field place that at first, we thought it must be some kind of joke. But then when we realized that this guy had made this really weird statement, we had to respond. Let's face it, he's a (expletive). And he's the worst kind, because he's educated. It's not like one of these crazy people, like Milo (Yiannopolous). This guy is actually dangerous because he's so educated and we don't want to be considered (as having) anything to do with something like that at all. I mean, has he ever listened to Strangelove or People Are People?

If anything, we're the most opposite a band to pick. We've always felt that our music is a little odd and we're a bunch of weirdos and proud of it. The music is listened to by people that have felt that maybe they were misunderstood or pushed aside or not the cool kids. We saw that very early on, where we were those kids that were chased down the street by people that thought we were a little odd as teenagers. So the music really doesn't fit with any of his views."

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Depeche Mode: 'We're the most opposite' of an alt-right band - USA TODAY

Culture Wars – NPR

Migos performs at a nightclub in Las Vegas in February, following the release of its album C U L T U R E, which debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard album chart. David Becker/Getty Images hide caption

Migos performs at a nightclub in Las Vegas in February, following the release of its album C U L T U R E, which debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard album chart.

Atlanta eats its young.

That might be a cold-blooded accusation to level at a town dripping with so much black cultural currency. But the hip-hop capital has gained more than it's ever contributed to its greatest export.

Welcome to the city too player to hate. Where a handful of Dungeon dragons gave birth to an extended Family from Goodie Mob and OutKast to Killer Mike and Future that permanently shifted hip-hop's center of gravity. Where the trap transformed from literal dead-end to hypothetical escape route for the discarded and forgotten. Where a generation left to its own digital devices created a content craze by teaching the world to Dab, Whip, Drop that Nae Nae, Hit Them Folks and Whoop Rico.

Like music to capitalism's ears, these are the signs of a sonic identity 20 years in the making. Meanwhile, the city continues to reinvent itself for the sake of outward appearances. Now it's the Hollywood of the South. Next it's the Silicon Valley of the South. But the one thing Atlanta has consistently been, the hip-hop pedigree that's kept its international flame perennially lit, still gets the shaft on the low.

Consider this irony: Donald Glover's celebrated FX show Atlanta, which earned record ratings and Golden Globe statues following its debut season, received Georgia film tax incentives legislated within the last decade to lure film and TV production to the Peach State. Yet the twice-as-old, homegrown music industry, on which the show's plot is centered, still runs off an ecosystem largely unsupported by state funding or investment from the city's civic and corporate communities. The resulting failure to leverage this global cultural cachet suggests too many people in high places don't fully understand, appreciate or respect the value of hip-hop as an economic growth engine. While local politicos and power brokers look outside the city for world-class inspiration, they often overlook the one thing the rest of the world looks to Atlanta for.

In the last two months alone, a steady stream of mainstream dominance has kept all eyes on the ATL: Migos popped the top of the Billboard Hot 100 with "Bad and Boujee" and the group's album, C U L T U R E, debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard 200 album chart. Future became the first solo artist in history to release two albums that debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard 200 in back-to-back weeks. Lil Yachty added a major Target endorsement and the longest commercial aired during the Grammy Awards' February broadcast to his portfolio. 21 Savage signed a deal with Epic Records, where CEO L.A. Reid continues to corral talent fresh from the southern city where he co-founded the now-defunct LaFace Records a quarter century ago. And the latest virtual unknown to continue Atlanta's streak of seemingly overnight phenoms is newcomer SahBabii, who spits melodies so tender they belie the explicit reality he represents.

His seductive street anthem "Pull Up Wit Ah Stick" slang for a semi-automatic weapon serves as a subtle reminder of Atlanta's national ranking as the city with the highest gap between the rich and poor. Like the rose that grew from concrete, it's the shameful little secret buried in Georgia's red clay. And the resulting divide is the basis of a culture war being waged over the city's most fetishized and stigmatized commodity.

The rise of Traplanta is the untold story of a city split in half by historic income inequality, shifting racial demographics, and an equally enigmatic identity crisis. The irony, of course, is how that inequity has helped to cultivate a trap-rap innovation economy from which Atlanta perpetually feeds.

"Young rich n*****, you know we ain't really never had no old money. We got a whole lotta new money, though." Migos, "Bad and Boujee"

One month after Donald Glover made Migos a household name, two of the trio's members Quavo and Takeoff found themselves receiving another honorable distinction. A flier circulating on the web suggested the rappers were scheduled to school New York University on the subject of culture. The ratchet Dab daddies who made the dance they created so ubiquitous it earned copycats Cam Newton and Hillary Clinton equal amounts of contempt were set to take on the halls of the academy. It sounded too good to miss.

Hip-hop in 2017 is certainly no stranger to academia. This semester alone has already seen the introduction of popular new courses on Georgia college campuses covering the trap and OutKast, alike. But Migos' members didn't subject themselves to two hours of Q&A at NYU to earn the academy's praise. They did it for the C U L T U R E LP. A twist on the typical release party, the event was part of the rollout campaign, produced by New York-based music marketing firm NUE Agency, that helped them achieve their first No. 1 album on the Billboard 200.

It only took ten minutes for Migos' CULTURECLASS at NYU's Cantor Center to morph into laugh-out-loud absurdity. Curious about Migos' effortless ability to stride the line between culture and commerce, Julie Anne Quay the stylish founder of fashion-forward social media hub VFiles asked: "How is cash a fashion statement, and is there a duffle bag full of cash nearby right now?"

Taking it as a cue to turn up, Quavo responded in kind: "There's a pocket nearby," he said, pulling out an obscene stash of stacks like a magician retrieving a rabbit from his hat.

"Yo," a guy in third row laughed as cheers erupted from the capacity-crowd of 315 students and press, "pass some this way!"

If OutKast represents the hope of Atlantis, a destination equal parts real and fantasmic, the music fertilized by Atlanta drug traps signifies the forgotten stepchild complicating the city's purported legacy of black wealth and equal opportunity. Borne of a turn-of-the-millennium wave that shot T.I. to superstardom, trap music's original incarnation crested with the likes of Jeezy and Gucci Mane. Today the subgenre barely resembles the dope-boy struggles of its predecessors. New age flavors range from 21 Savage's morose flows to Rae Sremmurd's pop-trap anthems to the trippy psychedelia of Young Thug. The main difference: Trappers today are as likely to rap about using drugs as they are selling them. Still, trap largely reflects the other extreme within Atlanta's hip-hop binary and, by extension, solidifies the long-told tale of two citiesone prosperous, the other impoverished. Yet it's trap that has succeeded in creating an ecosystem that makes the world turn up.

Even in a city like Atlanta where black cool is a proven commodity, leveraging hip-hop's hustle has been a trying proposition. ChooseATL, the branding campaign launched by the Metro Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, uses the city's hip-hop swag to market Atlanta as a premier destination for tech-savvy millennials and entrepreneurs. But the well-heeled corporate community it represents maintains an arm's-length distance from many of the culture's most marketable artists.

"People are scared of the young black creative," says Wil May, the founder of Atlanta-based lifestyle, media, and hospitality company #COOL. "That's really frightening to America's way of doing business."

An Emory University alum who once was roommates with Justin Bieber's manager Scooter Braun, May's own evolution from rapper/producer to creative entrepreneur has given him the advantage of both angles. "It's obvious that people don't want to empower hip-hop on a civic or global level because they feel like it's too dirty or too street or uplifts criminal activity," May says. "And while that may be true in a lot of places, in Atlanta black people have done a good job at making this a constructive movement as well."

Rapper 21 Savage attends a screening of Noisey: Atlanta 2 at The Plaza Theatre in Atlanta in January. Paras Griffin/Getty Images hide caption

Rapper 21 Savage attends a screening of Noisey: Atlanta 2 at The Plaza Theatre in Atlanta in January.

To understand how broad trap's fascination has traveled one need only watch the 2015 web-series Noisey: Atlanta. The 10-part doc racked up tens of millions of views and boatloads of controversy for its safari-like expose of Traplanta. Even Waka Flocka Flame took to Twitter to voice criticism: "Noisey I really feel like y'all exploitin the bad and the good in Atlanta #NotF******Kool #atall!!!!!!"

In the series, Noisey offered unprecedented access to the zones of the city that people all over the world celebrate without ever grappling with the reality. (That's true of many who call Atlanta home.) The episode featuring Migos turned the trappings of the group's success semi-automatic weapons and Ziploc bags of weed in a suburban Stockbridge mini-mansion into something resembling a theater of the absurd.

It wound up having real-life consequences. Footage from the Migos episode was used to deny group member Offset's bond after the trio was arrested on gun and drug charges following a performance at Georgia Southern University. In a call-in interview from jail to a local radio show, he called Noisey "the police" while insinuating the creators of the documentary tricked them into playing themselves on camera.

This January, the week after Atlanta lost Super Bowl LI, Noisey: Atlanta 2 premiered. The 44-minute episode was a follow-up to the original, and a chance to counterbalance the sensationalistic depiction. "We really wanted to go back and make amends for how people took our documentary and used it against people," Andy Capper, who produced both series, says. "We were mad about that [and] we got some criticism and flack, too."

To return they sought the approval of Migos and the trio's managers Kevin "Coach K" Lee and Pierre "Pee" Thomas. The two men behind the indie label Quality Control, home to both Migos and Lil Yachty, are the main conduits between Atlanta trap and the bi-coastal music industry. Coach K's industry influence includes formerly managing both Jeezy and Gucci Mane at different times in their careers.

"The most significant permit we got from the city was the blessing of Coach K and Pee," Capper says. This time Noisey traded the shock-and-awe imagery of guns and drugs for sincere depictions of the violence and despair that undergirds the music. A kitchen scene in which 21 Savage pulls out a collection of funeral programs and begins counting off all the friends he's tragically lost feels more climactic than anything in the first series. But Noisey also understands why trap's subversive elements are so compelling to commercial audiences.

"The music sounds so dangerous and allows them to live vicariously through [acts like] the Migos," Capper says. "The Rolling Stones and Robert Johnson would sing about the devil. It's in the tradition of all the best R&B, blues and rock and roll music. That's why it's so successful."

Noisey: Atlanta 2 host Zach Goldbaum, who does a solid job addressing the roots of the subculture without shying away from all the vice, agrees. "Since the early '90s people have been obsessed with street culture," he says. "Trap music is a brand and [Atlanta's] able to own that so exquisitely. That's why we love Atlanta so much. That independent spirit of Atlanta is what we wanted to come through in the documentary. The level of influence is crazy .... The entire coast from Miami to New York sounds like Atlanta, so we wanted to make something that really celebrates the effect the city's had on the music industry and the sound of popular music."

But you can't talk about the popularity of Traplanta without dredging up the socioeconomic mess that undergirds it. Not even Noisey's daring brand of cultural tourism delves deep enough to reckon with such systemic failures as an Atlanta Public Schools cheating scandal that's left behind a whole generation of students; an income inequality gap ranked No. 1 in the nation by the Brookings Institute two years in a row (2014-2015); and an upward mobility deficit that determines metro Atlanta children have a smaller chance of moving out of poverty than those born on the bottom rungs of any other major urban region in the country, according to the Harvard University-backed Equality of Opportunity Project.

"Many of the young people who grow up in the margins of our society in a city like Atlanta are becoming extremely successful by creating something that the whole world is acclaiming," says Atlanta City Councilman Kwanza Hall, who is among the dozen-plus candidates in the city's upcoming mayoral election. "It's a direct reflection of the inequality that we keep hearing everybody harp about in our city: the lack of equity, the lack of inclusion, the income differential that we see between those who have and those who have not."

Raised on the black and bougie side of southwest Atlanta, the local politician's late father served as one of Martin Luther King's youngest staff members. Hall's three terms on city council, representing the same Old Fourth Ward neighborhood Dr. King grew up in, have been marked by attempts to reach across broad cultural lines. Though he isn't considered a forerunner at this early stage in the race, he probably bears more genuine ties to Atlanta's hip-hop community than any other candidate. He presented the most vocal opposition on city council to a controversial local ordinance proposed last December that would have severely tightened restrictions on music recording studios in a city whose cultural lifeblood flows from them.

But Hall also acknowledges the concerns that inspired the ordinance due to the number of recording studios located in residential areas where they tend to blend in with the surrounding neighborhood. Last March, popular local rapper Bankroll Fresh died violently during a shootout outside of northwest Atlanta's Street Execs Studio the same recording home of Billboard chart-topper 2 Chainz. The ordinance would have banned studios within 500 feet of residential areas. "This is an environment that is constantly evolving," Hall says. "It has an impact on the expectations of quality of life that new residents, and sometimes longtime residents, feel they deserve because they've invested as well."

Hall believes the solution lies in fostering ties that reach beyond the typical distinctions of race and class. "There's an opportunity for a cultural connection," he says, "but right now we have some[thing] of a disconnect."

Yet the Street Execs shooting also represents an outgrowth of the same failed socioeconomic policies that have turned trap into a more viable career path out of the hood. For those whose realities contradict Atlanta's black mecca mythology, rap is often seen as a way out of no way.

It's no coincidence, then, that the most neglected and historically deprived parts of town have produced the city's most treasured assets. "We're creating a culture that's going all around the world," Hall says. "So consequently, we have influence. How we leverage that influence could mean economic opportunity or it could mean strife and civil war. It's that powerful."

Lakeith Stanfield (left), Donald Glover (center) and Brian Tyree Henry in a still from Glover's series Atlanta, which depicts the life of a trap rapper and his cousin, an Ivy League dropout. Guy D'Alema/FX hide caption

A quarter-century after Atlanta began its emergence as a music powerhouse, local and peach state politicians are finally arriving late to the party. After decades spent reaping the economic impact of Atlanta rap's local boosterism, there's a concerted push to invest in Georgia's music industry, which generates $3.7 billion annually largely driven by Atlanta's hip-hop bona fides. New legislation introduced under the gold dome in Atlanta in January could offer a 20-25 percent tax credit to projects recorded or scored in-state that meet a $70,000 threshold. If passed, the Georgia Music Investment Act will put music production on par with the state tax credit offered for the last decade to film and TV productions like Donald Glover's Atlanta.

When the plans for Glover's show initially began to circulate, the city responded with a collective side eye. Residents questioned whether he was authentic enough, black enough, Atlanta enough to do the city justice. By the time the premiere rolled around last September, it drew the largest 18-49 demo audience of a basic cable or primetime scripted comedy series in the last three years. The season would go on to disprove all the doubts surrounding its star and creator. By shaping the plot of Atlanta around an average trapper-turned-rapper and his exceptional Ivy League dropout cousin-turned-manager, Glover accomplished something equally profound by humanizing the trap.

"Donald Glover's doing a tremendous service by being honest about certain parts of Atlanta," Andrew Aydin, an Atlanta native and congressional staffer for Congressman John Lewis tells me. But Atlanta alone is not at fault for its failure to embrace its hip-hop identity. As a blue city surrounded by purple 'burbs in a blood red state, racial politics throughout the region have long kept the black mecca from attaining its vision. The decades-late push for a music tax credit is coming at the same time that MARTA, the city's rapid transit system, is on the cusp of a partial expansion denied it for more than 40 years. Atlanta's legacy of racialized transportation policies is symptomatic of a larger disease.

"How many statewide politicians have won elections by running against Atlanta?" Aydin asks. "And yet, those same campaigns are financed by some of the same corporations that exist in Atlanta." The music tax credit will require statewide politicians to buy into a predominantly black music industry, just as MARTA's economic stability and growth has always been dependent on white suburbanites and state regulators opposed to supporting mass transit purportedly used for Moving Africans Rapidly Through Atlanta. Even the bigoted old nickname coined for MARTA still speaks volumes.

"When your state government is telling the rest of the state that Atlanta is the problem not the answer, it breeds that strife. It breeds that conflict," Aydin continues. "And eventually I think everybody, the state and city folks, are going to have to realize you have to embrace Atlanta you have to embrace the weird; you have to embrace the different because that's our best product. That's our best potential for future growth."

Nayvadius Wilburn is the present embodiment of that future. Quite literally. The rapper Future got his stage name from his older cousin Rico Wade, co-founder of the legendary Dungeon Family and Organized Noize. As the story goes, Wade would tell his younger cousin, then an aspiring emcee known as Meathead, that he was indeed the future, the one to carry on the Dungeon Family legacy and, in turn, Atlanta hip-hop.

The same year Future launched the first in a trio of career-defining mixtapes (Monster, Beast Mode, 56 Nights) that set him up for his first No. 1 album, DS2, Phil W. Hudson began covering music, sports and finance at the Atlanta Business Chronicle. Hudson quickly recognized the huge chasm that existed between the city's hip-hop culture and its business community.

While hanging out with one of his finance sources, who worked for a multinational accounting firm that was soliciting a new pro athlete as a client, Hudson asked him, "'Do you guys have any rappers on your roster?'" The answer surprised him. "I asked why the hell not," Hudson says. "And he said, 'We just never really thought about that.' I said, 'Well that's ridiculous because I'm sure Jermaine Dupri, at the height of his career, was worth more money than some of these major executives in town.'"

The more Hudson interviewed Atlanta-based hip-hop talent and executives, the clearer the issue became: Black music's worldwide marketing power was being slept on by some of Atlanta's biggest global brands.

"One of the best points that was ever made about the disconnect in Atlanta came from Jermaine Dupri," Hudson says. "He told me he was really shocked that Usher was signed with Pepsi. He was like, 'How can Coca-Cola, the world's biggest behemoth in the soft drink industry, let their fierce rival come into their own backyard and take what is potentially one of our biggest music brands in Usher?"

The missed opportunity is even clearer in rap, where artists derive their clout from bragging about lifestyle and luxury brands in songs and videos that often double as major commercial endorsements. It's a simple equation, according to Hudson: "Rappers make things cool. What's cool becomes pop culture. What becomes pop culture sells."

Of course, there are exceptions to this alienation.

Lil Yachty may not have gotten any stage time at the Grammys this year, despite his first-time nomination, but he still managed to bumrush the show. The Atlanta bubblegum trap act starred alongside pop star Carly Rae Jepsen in an epic Target commercial, the longest of the night at three minutes. Atlanta superproducer Mike Will Made-It was also featured.

With his red-beaded braids and a drug-free persona as playful as his music, Yachty's become a brand unto himself. His endorsements include Nautica, the apparel brand he's reviving as its newly-named creative designer, and hometown beverage Sprite. Coke's cooler decaffeinated cousin has actually enjoyed a long relationship with hip-hop. It dates as far back as 1986, when Kurtis Blow appeared in an early commercial rapping the tagline "Now More Than Ever It's Sprite." Along with a host of East Coast legends, other Sprite endorsers over the years have included such foundational Atlanta acts as Kris Kross and Goodie Mob. But most of Atlanta's genre-defining artists over the past couple of decades have remained noticeably absent from the soft drink's hip-hop-themed campaigns.

Trap rap, in particular, has its own cross to bear. When Future released DS2, the name was abbreviated from Dirty Sprite 2 for obvious legal reasons. There's no way Coca-Cola would've given Epic Records permission to associate its brand with the promethazine-syrup laced "Dirty Sprite" that Future references in his signature codeine flows. Sex, drugs and rock and roll may be as American as cherry pie, but hip-hop has always faced greater persecution over its illicit content than whiter music genres.

"It's definitely a complex scenario," Hudson says. "There's racial elements, there's business elements, there's marketing elements."

But there's also "a lot of missed opportunity," he acknowledges, recalling the widespread response he got while traveling abroad to China. "When I'd say I'm from Atlanta, it wasn't Coca-Cola that the Chinese knew us by. It was the Olympics and OutKast. We have this incredible brand, so how can we capitalize on this?

That's partly the job of Christopher Hicks, a former music industry exec who wants to help connect the dots as the new director of the Mayor's Office of Film and Entertainment. "We have a plethora of large brands here [that] exist in the city and have not necessarily leveraged the musical stakeholders in the city, so I want to create relationships there," he told Billboard last March.

But Hicks' position in an office originally created to exploit opportunities within the nascent film industry speaks directly to the disconnect. "The music industry was really put off at how hard the state worked to recruit film, an industry from out of state that really doesn't have any loyalty to Georgia other than our tax incentive," Hudson says. "So why do we have this homegrown industry that we're not helping? L.A. Reid doesn't live in Atlanta anymore. He should. And if we catered to our music industry better and incentivized it more we might be able to get more record labels to come here and stay here and leave their offices here. It creates jobs and brings revenue to the state. It's the whole economic impact. I feel like we're missing out on a lot by not embracing it."

The onus is on the city of Atlanta to figure out how to harness hip-hop's hustle. Because the culture doesn't need Atlanta to succeed; Atlanta needs the culture. The question is whether an independent ecosystem that has turned Atlanta's underserved music community into a global beacon would be helped or hampered by the city's interference?

Kwanza Hall wants to find ways to create infrastructure around what has essentially been a cottage industry. "I want to industrialize it and formalize it," says Hall, who considers the city's wealth of home recording studios greater innovation zones than Georgia Tech, the only university to make Fast Company's recent list of the World's Most Innovative Companies. "People are working with far less and making a whole lot more out of nothing. They're taking thin air and turning it into something that is of value in this society," Hall says.

But true investment in the culture has to dive much deeper than industry infrastructure, according to one of the most devout advocates of Atlanta's creative economy, Bem Joiner. "The lack of affordable housing, gentrification, piss-poor public schools, those are key cogs in the wheel," he says. "That's like the secret sauce to how the culture is made."

Secret sauce, indeed. Meanwhile, Atlanta's next ingenious reincarnation could ironically mimic the birthplace of hip-hop. A new proposal to loosen downtown signage restrictions could result in a district full of bright, oversized LED-display ads just like Times Square. Hudson, for one, thinks ATL should seek inspiration a tad closer to home. "Nashville did such a good job embracing country music that it turned Nashville into Music City," he says. "Well, Nashville didn't really invent country music, it came there. We didn't really invent hip-hop, it kinda came here. They created this culture around country and it's put the city on the international music map. Atlanta needs to do that with hip-hop."

Sounds like a bright idea. But what would it look like if Atlanta and the state of Georgia were to truly leverage its biggest cultural export and invest in its success? Might we see an Atlanta Hip-Hop Hall of Fame located on Peachtree Street? Or maybe a Music Row district could set up shop in south Downtown for hundreds of hip-hop related businesses major and independent labels, recording studios and publishing houses, consumer tech startups and media outlets to flourish within an economic incubator driven by the culture? Perhaps a Grand Ole Opry-style performance hall for rap would serve as a major tourist attraction and cultural nexus for the economically-deprived creatives and the city's wealthy elite to meet?

Not even in the last black mecca is that a likely scenario. Outsiders may have zero qualms with embracing the culture. But closer to home, Traplanta is saddled with too much of the same racial baggage and class exclusion that criminalizes the music in the eyes and ears of many in power. The same pols who disgrace their districts by failing to advocate for economic equity find themselves more offended by crass lyrical content than the crass conditions that inspire it. Meanwhile, systemic ills continue to fester at will. It's enough to make you wonder who the real trappers are in this town.

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Culture Wars - NPR

Soon? Holcomb’s first tests on culture wars – Indianapolis Star

Gov. Eric Holcomb has kept a low-profile as bills on hot-button social issues have been moving through the Indiana General Assembly. That could end soon if bills on abortion and school prayer land on his desk.(Photo: Robert Scheer)Buy Photo

One of the key questions about Gov. Eric Holcomb when he emerged as a candidate for governor and after he was elected was which of his two immediate predecessors would he most resemble when it comes to hot-button social issues.

Mitch Daniels is largely remembered for attempting to call a truce in the culture wars, although late in his term he signed a bill blocking Medicaid funding to groups that perform abortions. The legacy of Mike Pence, meanwhile, was colored by controversial eruptions over same-sex marriage and religious freedom and the court challenge to block an abortion bill he signed.

Holcomb worked for both governors. Hemade it clear during his campaign he is allied with social conservatives on issues such as abortion. But he also signaled a more nuanced approach. In his State of the State address, he made no mention of cultural warfare, focusing instead on meat-and-potatoes issues such as roads and bridges, workforce development and the states economy.

Soon, though, he could be confronted with a trio of bills that have been moving steadily through the Indiana General Assembly that deal with the kinds of culture wars issues that wind up on voter scorecards.

One of the bills wouldensure parents have a seatin the courtroom if their minor daughterapproaches a judge seeking permission for an abortion without parental approval. A second requires abortion providers to give women seeking a medically-induced abortion information about an unproven method to stop andreverse the abortion pill. Finally, a school prayer billwould essentially write into law the types of religious expression courts have said are allowable in public schools.

All three bills have passed one legislative chamber, raising the prospect that they could soon land on Holcomb's desk andprompt the revival of a question that has been circulating since last summer.

Ive been asked on numerous occasions, Is he Mike Pence or is he Mitch Daniels? said House Speaker Brian Bosma. And I would say, He is Eric Holcomb. He was part of both administrations and seen leadership qualities and characteristics of each, and will chart his own course.

Bosma and GOP Senate leader David Long say they have discussed the abortion and prayer bills in Holcombs presence during their regular meetings with the governor. But they say Holcomb has offered almost no input on them.

As a candidate, Holcomb said he "supports measures that protect the unborn" and would have signed a bill Pence approved thatcreatedabortion restrictions dealing with fetal gender and disabilities a lawlater blocked infederal court. ButHolcomb's spokeswoman said he has not yet taken positions on the pending legislation. And lobbyists and advocacy groups say Holcomb has kept such a low profile on these bills as to be nearly invisible.

These issues are not a priority for the governor this session," spokeswoman Stephanie Wilson said. At this stage, hes only weighing in on bills that reflect his legislative priorities

The abortion and school prayer bills now advancing through the legislature have captured the attention of activists and lobbyists, but they mostly nibble around the edges of those issues. There are only about 20 instances a year in Indiana where minors seek court approval for abortions without a parent's permission. Drug-induced abortions are, by some estimates, only 15 percent of all abortions. Many people on both sides of the school prayer bill say it doesn't break much new ground, but instead puts existing case rulings into Indiana law.

Long said he expects Holcomb to adhere to his stated opposition to abortion, but he acknowledges the issues present an early indicator of Holcombs approach. Its all brand new; its only a month and a half in, Long said. He hadnt had a chance to show his hand on exactly where he stands.

Rep. Terri Austin, D-Anderson, who has argued vehemently against the abortion pill proposal and is skeptical of the need for the school prayer bill, hopes Holcomb will take a measured approach.

So far, shes been impressed by Holcombs focus on issues such as roads, preschool funding and drug abuse prevention and on his decisions to pardon a wrongfully-convicted felon and to address lead contamination problems in East Chicago. She says Holcomb appears to have a strong moral compass.

As a new administration and a new chief executive, you get one opportunity to come out of the gate and define your leadership style, Austin said. Especially on issues like this.

The most sweeping bill introduced this year on the culture wars front one that would essentially outlaw abortion died in committee after House Republican leaders decided it had no chance to withstand a court challenge. Theres a difference of opinion on how well the remaining menu of issues will serve as an indicator of Holcombs approach on such thorny matters.

Patti Stauffer, a vice president for public policy for Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky, has concerns about both abortion bills. She says Holcomb has an opportunity to set the tone for his tenure in office by opposing them. It is an opportunity for him to be able to set a path for us that will be productive, constructive and farsighted, she said.

Micah Clark, executive director of the American Family Association of Indiana, said the advancing bills dont greatly stretch the boundaries of social policyand thus arent much of a test for the depth of Holcombs convictions. He expects the governor to support thembut acknowledges theres been no indication hes been closely engaged with them. That fog may be about to lift, Clark said.

I guess well see if they get to his desk."

Call IndyStar reporter Robert King at (317) 444-6089. Follow him on Twitter and Facebook.

These measures have cleared one chamber of Indiana General Assembly. If they reach Gov. Eric Holcomb's desk, they could provide more insight on where he stands on hot-button social issues.

House Bill 1128 Author: Rep. Ronald Bacon, R-Chandler.

Whats in the bill:It requires abortion providersto give a woman seeking a drug-induced abortion a state-created information sheet about medical professionals who can aid in the possible reversal of the abortion pill process. The information would include a disclaimer that: No scientifically validated medical study confirms that an abortion may be reversed after taking abortion inducing drugs. Listed also would be information to the website of an Ob-Gyn association thats highly skeptical of the process. It also requires abortion clinics to provide the state with additional information about patients, including the number of her previous children, miscarriages and date of last menses.

Status: Passed the House by a vote of 54-41, with 17 Republicans joining all but two Democrats in opposing it. Assigned to the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Senate Bill 404 Author: Sen. Erin Houchin, R-Salem.

What it does: Gives the parent or guardian of a pregnant minor the right to attend and testify at hearings where the minor is seeking court permission for an abortion without parental consent. (Currently, parents are excluded.)Requires the parent be served with a court summons. Requires minor to seek waiver of parental consent by 16 weeks into the pregnancy. When a parent consents to the abortion, that consent must be provided through a notarized, written form; the parent must provide a government identificationand some evidence that proves the person is the parent or guardian. Enables parents to sue those who help a pregnant minor obtain an abortion without parental consent or a court waiver.

Status: Passed the Senate by a vote of 36-13, with four Republicans joining all the Democrats in opposition. Assigned to House Committee on Public Policy.

Senate Bill 1024 Author: Rep. John Bartlett, D-Indianapolis.

What it does: Establishes in state law that public schools shall not discriminate against a student or parent based on religion, that students can express their beliefs in schoolwork and their clothing, that students can pray or engage in religious expression before, during and after school, organize prayer groups and religious clubs, use school facilities to the same extent as students with secular views do. Requires schools to establish a limited public forum at all school events. Requires schools to accommodate students who wish to be excluded from religious activities.

Status: Passed the House 83-12, with 15 Democrats joining most Republicans in support. Assigned to Senate Education and Career Development.

More on Holcomb:

With Pence gone, fellow Republicans undo his work in Indiana

Gov. Holcomb pardons Keith Cooper

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Soon? Holcomb's first tests on culture wars - Indianapolis Star