Archive for February, 2017

Last chance to improve Afghanistan’s fledgling Air Force? | TheHill – The Hill (blog)

The United States remains locked in its longest war to date, a 16-year venture in Afghanistan that shows no signs of relenting. The top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, Army Gen. John Nicholson, briefed the Senate Armed Services Committee in early February and drew much needed attention to one of the greatest fiascoes of the U.S. effort in Afghanistan reconstituting a capable, effective, and sustainable Afghan Air Force (AAF). Nicholson bluntly noted that close air support and aerial mobility are the most critical remaining gaps that need to be addressed. He couldnt be more right.

Although the Afghan National Security and Defense Force (ANDSF) has grown significantly since its post-Taliban rebirth, the ANDSF still suffers from attrition, corruption, logistics and maintenance deficiencies, and inadequate air power. The U.S. and NATO effort to reconstitute the AAF began slowly in 2007, and like most efforts in Afghanistan, it soon became mired in bad deals, mismanagement, and bureaucratic disasters.

Afghanistan has used AN-26 transport planes, the predecessor of the AN-32, since 1978. Instead of pursuing the acquisition of additional AN-32 transport planes, which were long familiar to the older Afghan pilots, a deal was cut with Alenia North America to acquire 20 Italian C-27 cargo planes for $486 million. An additional $200 million was earmarked to establish a spare parts inventory, ground support equipment, and for contractor support to keep the fleet maintained.

In the end, the program failed Alenia struggled to meet its contractual obligations and the fleet of C-27s were grounded in 2012, the program was canceled outright in 2013, and the fleet of C-27s were sold for scrap to a local Afghan construction company for 6 cents a pound, amounting to a mere $32,000. TheSpecial Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko stated in 2012 thatits imperative that the U.S. government does not repeat the mistakes made throughout this nearly half-billion dollar program.

Fast forward to 2017 and the Pentagon is again finding itself in a similar position. Nicholsons sworn testimony confirms that the U.S. government is considering replacing Afghanistans Russian-made fleet of Mi-17 transport helicopters with 53 U.S. Army UH-60 Blackhawks at a cost of $814 million. The program is heavily supported by Sen. Richard BlumenthalRichard BlumenthalLast chance to improve Afghanistans fledgling Air Force? Poll: Senate should confirm Gorsuch A guide to the committees: Senate MORE (D-Conn.). Notably, the Blackhawk helicopter is manufactured by Sikorsky at a facility in Connecticut. The Pentagon had to terminate its $554 million contract withRussias state-owned military exporter Roboronexport to provide additional Mi-17 helicopters and spare parts to the AAF in 2013 following opposition from senators such a Blumenthal over Russians military support to Syrian dictator Bashir Assad and for Russias invasion of Crimea.

While Blumenthals sales pitch for U.S.-manufactured Blackhawks might fall in line with the"America First" message President Trump conveyed in his inaugural address, plans to transition the AAF from one of its most relied upon aircraft the Mi-17 amid Afghanistans heaviest fighting in years, is a grave mistake.

Nicholson warned Congress that it would take 21 months from the initial approval decision to field the first refurbished and upgraded UH-60 to the AAF, and any further delays in making such a decision would further widen the critical Afghan aerial capability gap. Nicholson further warned that with the AAF unable to field the UH-60s until 2019, the burden would fall upon U.S. aviation and authorities to bridge the gap, which would put U.S. campaign objectives at serious risk.

Extending the life of the fleet or replacing expended Mi-17s should be considered essential in the short term to provide the AAF with an organic aerial mobility and fires capability until a reasonable transition time to UH-60s is achieved. A hard stop in the AAFs usage of Mi-17s in 2017 and 2018 will unnecessarily put the lives of the ANDSF at risk and further threaten U.S. objectives in Afghanistan.

As a man who disdains bad deals, President Trump and must carefully balance the America First policy with the ground realities of Americas longest fought war. The proposed acquisition of UH-60 Blackhawks given the current situation in Afghanistan is reminiscent of the bad deal cut with Alenia in 2008. The additional years worth of training, which would include retraining pilots, ground crews, and logistics and maintenance personnel, would further delay the anticipated 2020 timeline for a fully functional Air Force. Given the precarious nature of Afghanistans fragile National Unity Government and the ANDSFs continuing fight against a robust and growing insurgency, the additional years needed for training and transition are an unrealistic luxury that Afghanistan and its allies cannot afford.

Matthew C. DuPe is a senior South Asia analyst for the U.S. Defense Department. Matthew Archibald isindependent researcher and consultant on South Asian issues. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any agency of the U.S. government.

The views expressed by this author are their own and are not the views of The Hill.

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Last chance to improve Afghanistan's fledgling Air Force? | TheHill - The Hill (blog)

Asghar Farhadi, Iran’s Master of the Ordinary, Wins a 2nd Oscar – New York Times


New York Times
Asghar Farhadi, Iran's Master of the Ordinary, Wins a 2nd Oscar
New York Times
The Salesman, which features two of Iran's most prominent actors, Taraneh Alidoosti and Shahab Hosseini, tells a simple but gripping tale about a couple, both amateur actors, who move into an apartment previously occupied by a single mother, leaving ...
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Asghar Farhadi, Iran's Master of the Ordinary, Wins a 2nd Oscar - New York Times

Letter-Writing Former Iran President Pens Dispatch to Trump – NBCNews.com

Then Iran's President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad arrives at the presidential office to attend a welcoming ceremony for his Syrian counterpart Bashar al-Assad, in Tehran, Aug. 2, 2008. Morteza Nikoubazl / Reuters

"In other words, the contemporary U.S. belongs to all nations, including the natives of the land," he wrote. "No one may consider themselves the owner and view others as guests or immigrants."

A judge later blocked Trump's travel ban, and an appeals court refused to reinstate it. Trump has promised to issue a revised order soon, saying it's necessary to keep America safe.

Entirely missing from the letter was any reference to Iran's nuclear program. Under Ahmadinejad's presidency, Iran found itself heavily sanctioned over the program as Western governments feared it could lead to the Islamic Republic building atomic weapons. Iran has long maintained its program was for peaceful purposes.

Iran under current President Hassan Rouhani struck a nuclear deal with world powers, including the Obama administration, to limit its enrichment of uranium in exchange for the lifting of some sanctions. Trump campaigned promising to renegotiate the deal, without offering specifics.

Ahmadinejad gave the letter to the Swiss Embassy in Tehran, which represents U.S. interests in Iran. The embassy declined to comment Sunday while American officials could not be immediately reached.

The letter comes ahead of Iran's presidential election, in which Rouhani is widely expected to seek a second four-year term. While allies of Ahmadinejad are expected to run, he himself won't after Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei warned him in September his candidacy would bring about a "polarized situation" that would be "harmful for the county."

Ahmadinejad's popularity in Iran remains in question. During his tenure, he personally questioned the scale of the Holocaust and predicted the demise of Israel. His disputed 2009 re-election saw widespread protests and violence. Two of his former vice presidents went to prison for corruption.

But Ahmadinejad offered Trump his own warning about how quickly time passes for leaders.

"Four years is a long period, but it ends quickly," he wrote. "The opportunity needs to be valued, and all its moments need to be used in the best way."

Associated Press writer Jon Gambrell in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed to this report.

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Agreements signed with Iran on meat exports, kiwifruit opportunities – The National Business Review

New Zealand has inked an agreement with Iran paving the way for the resumption of meat exports to the second-biggest economy in the Middle East and North Africa region.

The Iranian Veterinary Organisation and the New Zealand Ministry for Primary Industries agreed to a meat arrangement which provides the conditions for chilled and frozen sheep and beef exports to resume with Iran, Primary Industries Minister Nathan Guysays.

New Zealand meat exports to Iran failed to pick up following the lifting of sanctions last year because of Iranian requirements for one of its vets and a mullah to be present at the time of processing, while New Zealand meat exporters rely on halal standards overseen by the Ministry for Primary Industries.

The Iranian requirement for an official to oversee the processing of all product exported to Iran was difficult for New Zealand meat processors to comply with because they divide animals into a range of cuts for distribution to specific global markets.

"This is a crucial step for New Zealand meat companies as they look to re-enter the Iranian market," Mr Guy says.

Meat is New Zealand's second-biggest commodity export after dairyand was worth $5.92 billion in 2016.

The ministers also discussed an action plan for agricultural co-operation in the year ahead, Mr Guy says.

The two countries are also working on kiwifruit opportunities in Iran, where import restrictions prevent New Zealand from selling the country's most valuable fresh fruit export.

New Zealand kiwifruit marketer Zespri International and Iran's Ministry of Agriculture signed a statement of intent outlining undertakings to further explore commercial opportunities in Iran.

Iran has well-established kiwifruit orchards and supply chains and produces the fruit in New Zealand's off-season, Mr Guy says.

Along with other Western countries, New Zealand lifted sanctions against Iran in February last year after the country agreed to roll back its nuclear ambitions

(BusinessDesk)

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Agreements signed with Iran on meat exports, kiwifruit opportunities - The National Business Review

The Iranian-Saudi Arabian conflict: Does the West have a skewed view? – Deutsche Welle

This oversimplified view of the conflictneeds to be adjusted, especially when looking back at the longstanding relations between the modern states of Saudi Arabia and Iran. As they took shape in the 1920s, their rulers - Ibn Saud and Shah Reza Pahlavi -focused on modernizing their countries. The Shah faced opposition from the Iranian clergy,Ibn Saud encountered resistancefrom Saudi legal scholars. The two leaders had these domestic political problems in common and they bonded over them. In 1929, the two countries concluded a friendship agreement. The relationship became even closer about a decade later when Mohammed Reza Pahlavi came to power as Shah in 1941. With the help of Washington, Iran and Saudi Arabia pursued the goal of containing socialist Pan-Arabism and the communist influence of the Soviet Union in the region.

Khomeini and King Fahd of Saudi Arabia -a difficult relationship

In 1979, the Iranian Shah was overthrown and the Islamic Republic, which was immediately recognized by the Saudis, was founded. Riyadh's hopes of maintaining good relations with Tehran did not pan out. There was no place for the conservative Saudi monarchy in Ayatollah Khomeini's vision of a global Islamic revolution. He evensaw the Saudis as an impediment to the revolution. Khomeini tried to influence members of the Shiite minority in Saudi Arabia. However, he did not touch on the centuries-old dispute between Sunnis and Shiites. Instead, he used the slogan "Liberation of the oppressed." This way, Tehran thought it would win over Islamists in the Sunni world as well. Despite the Sunni-Shiite conflict, it was a moment of unity. It went well, even when Khomeini demanded a greater say in the management of the Hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca, where Iranian pilgrims at that time often caused trouble by holding demonstrations at the religious event. This motivated Fahd of Saudi Arabia to adopt the forgotten title of "Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques" in 1986. The following year, when Saudi police opened fire on Iranian pilgrims demonstrating in Mecca, it became clear that Riyadh would no longer tolerate interference from Tehran.

Ayatolla Khomeini was long the counterweight to Saudi King Fahd

In response, Iran severed all diplomatic ties. Relations had already hit rock bottom since Saudi Arabia supported Iraq in the Iran-Iraq War that had been raging since 1980. The Saudis supported Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein more as a gesture of Arab solidarity thanout of any particular conviction. At the beginning of the 1990s, however, the political climate changed in the region. Saddam proved to be more and more unpredictable, especially after his invasion of Kuwait in 1990, and was no longer feared only by Iran, but also by the Saudi royal family. Against this background - and also because Khomeini had died in 1989 - Tehran and Riyadh mended fences and each reinstalled ambassadors. The repeated rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which had been driven by then-President Akbar Rafsanjani, was also a result of political disillusionment in Tehran. The government there distanced itself from the global Islamicrevolution it had once advocated and focused more intensely on foreign policy in the region.

Saudi-Syrian rapprochement

However, this shift in priorities did not only contribute to the improvement of bilateral relations. It also brought new problems for Saudi Arabia. The two countries reached a security agreement in 2001, but Tehran's contribution to the ongoing weapons buildup by the pro-Iranian Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah worried Riyadh, which began to support the rival Sunni-Christian camp in response. The Saudis were also concerned about Iran's nuclear program. Even at this point in time, both countries - once allies of the US in the fight against communism -were not divided over an ancient religious dispute. Iran's hatred of Washington's doctrine was fed by American intervention in Iraq in 2003. Iran perceived the American advance as an intervention in its immediate sphere of influence. When US troops withdrew from Iraq, Iran start interfering with Iraq's interests. Saudi Arabia reacted by trying to curry favor with an Iranian ally, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

The Saudi and Iranian foreign ministers traded accusations at the Munich Security Conference

The rapid Saudi-Syrian rapprochement of 2010, however, ended quickly when the Arab Spring and the Syrian Civil War began. The Syrian war, in which Saudi Arabia and Iran support different camps, is being interpreted as a sectarian war; however, this is not true. The alliance between Tehran and the Alawite ruling elite in Damascus was a never purely religious connection; it ensued mainly from the mutual hostility towards Israel and Saddam Hussein. Sunnis are also fighting each other in Syria today and for the radical Islamist terrorists from the self-styled "Islamic State" (IS), both Shiites and rival Sunni jihadists are mortal enemies.

Iran and Saudi Arabia view these extremistsas the greatest threat in the region. Both regimes, especially as they are facing increasing pressure to adapt to secularization, do their best to avoid using religious rhetoric in their verbal exchanges. Terrorism, the support of terrorism and the desire for expansion are the most common official accusations. By no means do these fit the religious prism the West uses to view the Iranian-Saudi Arabian rivalry.

At the last security conference in Munich, the Saudi foreign minister, Adel al-Jubeir, hinted that Iran had secretly joined forces with the anti-Shiite IS. Meanwhile in the eyes of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, IS is Israel's henchman and as a consequence, part of the Zionist-American conspiracy, which can also gladly incorporate Riyadh if the propaganda agenda requires it.

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The Iranian-Saudi Arabian conflict: Does the West have a skewed view? - Deutsche Welle